In some respects, it is the most attractive of the Pauline letters, reflecting more clearly than any other the apostle's warm affection for his brothers and sisters in Christ. Indeed, the letter to the Philippines has been classified as an example of the rhetoric of friendship. It contains one of the best-known and most appreciated NT descriptions of Christ's selflessness: the one who emptied himself and took on the form of a servant, even to death on a cross. Nevertheless, Philippians is plagued by much debated difficulties. We cannot be sure where Paul was when he wrote it and therefore when it was composed. Furthermore, we are not certain of its unity, for some would divide the present document into two or three initially separate letters. But let's discuss the letter as it stands today before we get into such debates.

1. The Background

   Let us recall that Paul crossed by sea with Silas and Timothy from the province of Asia (Asia Minor or present-day Turkey) to Macedonia (Europe, present-day Northern Greece) in the year 50-51. Passing through the mountainous island of Samothrace, they disembarked in the port of Neapolis, where the great Roman road through Macedonia, the Via Egnatia, gave a downward access to the sea. It is doubtful that such a long highway was always well maintained in those early imperial times, so that Philippi, straddling the Egnatia, some 10 miles inland, depended heavily on trade up the short access road from the Mediterranean. This site, to which the missionaries immediately went, was a great Roman city, where a century earlier (42 BC) Mark Antony and Octavian (Augustus) had defeated Brutus and Cassius, the assassins of Julius Caesar, and had installed the veterans of the victorious armies. It was there that Paul proclaimed the Gospel and founded his first church in Europe (Acts 16:11-15; Phil 4:15). A tribute to this foundation is paid almost a century later by Polycarp, who (Philippians 1:2) speaks of the deep-rooted faith of the Philippians, famous in the past and still flourishing.

   Reading Acts 16, one gets the impression of a relatively brief stay and some success among Jews and Gentiles, despite civic harassment. At the beginning (16:13-15), near a stream outside the city gate, Lydia, a merchant from Thyatira who sold purple goods and was attracted to Judaism ("a worshiper of God"), was baptized with her family and offered her house for Paul to stay in. This story seems to reflect accurately the social realities of Philippi, and in particular the prominent place occupied by women. This is confirmed in Phil 4:2, when Paul mentions two women, Euodia and Syntyche, who are now quarreling, but who had been his collaborators in the evangelization. Their names, as well as those of Epaphroditus and Clement in 2:25; 4:3, suggest that there was a high percentage of pagans among the Christians of Philippi.

   Other conversions in Philippi are recorded in Acts 16:16-40. Paul's casting out of the spirit in a fortune-telling slave led the owners to drag him and Silas before the local magistrates as troublesome Jews. No wonder Paul described his time in Philippi as a time "when we suffered and were treated shamefully" (1 Thess 2:2). Yet, despite being stripped, beaten and imprisoned, when an earthquake caused the prison doors to open, Paul and Silas refused to escape - an action that led to the conversion of the jailer and his family. Finally, the magistrates apologized for mistreating Roman citizens, but asked them to leave, so they headed west along the Via Egnatia to Thessalonica. In this context, let us examine this letter addressed to "all the saints in Christ Jesus who are in Philippi, together with the bishops and deacons" (1: 1).

2. General Analysis of the Message

   Those who were converted in Philippi by Paul entered into a unique partnership with him (1:5) that lasted from the time he left for Thessalonica (to which they sent gifts repeatedly: Phil 4:15-16; see also 2 Cor 11:9) until this very moment when he writes from prison. The fact that they sent Epaphroditus to Paul's house was a further proof of this fidelity; and now, because he is concerned about the health of this valuable collaborator, Paul has sent him away (4:18; 2:25-26). A strong bond of friendship colors this letter that expresses Paul's gratitude and keeps the Philippians informed; indeed, the human appeal of the man Paul is revealed in their faithfulness. His moving words to the Philippians, written in a context that brought him face to face with the possibility of his own death, cannot be dismissed as a mere letter: "I hold you close to my heart" (1:7); "As God is my witness, I desire you all with the affection of Jesus Christ" (1:8); "My beloved and longed-for brothers (and sisters), my joy and my crown" (4:1). In addition to the strong attestation of gratitude and friendship, which can be seen as the main motivation of the letter, there are important indications of Paul's perspectives from prison and the situation in Philippi that need to be taken into consideration.

   1. Paul's Outlook from Prison
      1. First, he is not discouraged despite what he suffers. His imprisonment, though made difficult by the legal charge and the guards, advances the gospel since it is clear that he is suffering for Christ (1:12-13; 3:8); and others have been encouraged by his example to preach without fear (1:14). Unfortunately, some do so in a spirit of rivalry in order to outdo Paul (1:15), and he shows his contempt for such competition both in Phil 1:18 and in the more or less contemporary texts of 1 Cor 1:13 and 3:5-9. The preachers do not matter; the only thing that matters is that Christ is preached.

      2. Second, the reflection on death is provoked by Paul's present situation, as evidenced by both Philippians and the Corinthian correspondence. Earlier, in 1 Thess 4:17, Paul used the language of "we who are alive" at the coming of Christ. If this is not a simple editorial "we", Paul expected to survive until the parousia. But in Phil 1:20-26, he wrestles with the possibility of death (see also 2 Cor 5:1-10), trying to decide whether the immediate access to Christ that death offers is preferable to continuing the ministry of proclaiming Christ. In Phil 3:10-11, Paul speaks of sharing in Christ's sufferings "so that in some way he may attain the resurrection from the dead" - does he envisage martyrdom?

   2. The Situation at Philippi

      Paul wants the Philippian Christians to be blameless, to shine as lights in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation and to hold fast to the word of life, so that he may know that he has not run in vain (Phil 2:14-16). Paul wants to hear that they should stand firm in the same spirit, striving with one mind for the faith of the gospel (1:27; 2:1). Yet there are some who trouble the church in Philippi. How many groups does Paul have in mind? At least three distinct attitudes are rebuked in the text.

      1. First, there is internal dissension in Philippi, even among those who, like Euodia and Syntyche, had worked side by side with Paul (4:2-3). The cause of this dissension is not clear, but given human nature, it probably reflects the vanity and lack of humility that Paul condemns (see 2:2-4). Indeed, it is against vanity and self-interest that Paul presents Christ as an example of self-giving in the Christological hymn of 2:5-11.

      2. Secondly, apart from the bickering adherents who had worked with Paul, there is an external opposition to the Christians in Philippi that causes them pain (1:28-29). Apparently, this is a continuation of the kind of harassment Paul himself experienced on his first visit and also encountered in Ephesus (1:30; Acts 19:23-20:1), namely, people complaining about the strange teaching of the Christians because he does not recognize the gods, and appealing to the local authorities to arrest or expel them. Nothing can be done against such injustice, but God will overcome.

      3. Third, there are the workers of evil (3:2-3) whom Paul calls dogs, and whom the Philippians should beware of. They mutilate the flesh, apparently through circumcision; and believers in Jesus who worship in the spirit should give no credence to such an emphasis on the flesh. Paul can refute these opponents by describing his own impeccable Jewish credentials - even though he sees all this as a loss compared to the supreme gain of knowing Jesus Christ the Lord (3:4-11). We are not far from Paul's attack, in the roughly contemporary letter to the Galatians, on those who insisted on circumcision, namely the Jewish Christians. Some think that the passage in Philipians is a general warning in case such people should arise; indeed, if they were already at work in Philippi, Paul would have devoted more of the letter to them. Or it may be that they are just beginning to appear in small numbers in Philippi, whereas in Galatia they were very successful.

         What complicates the further diagnosis of this third group of opponents is the tendency of scholars to interpret other parts of chapter 3 as referring to them. To interpret this chapter properly, one must see the parallel with chap. 2. Indeed, just as Paul asked the Philippians to have the mind of Christ (2:5), he can say to them: "Join me in imitating me" (3:17). Like Christ, who was in the image of God, but who stripped himself and took on the form of a servant, Paul, who once trusted in his fleshly origins as a circumcised Israelite and a blameless Pharisee, considered all this as garbage for Christ's sake (3:4-9). And just as Christ has risen, so Paul, who emphasizes that he is not already perfect, rises to God in Christ Jesus (3:12-14). If we accept such a parallelism, what can we diagnose from chapter 3 about the adversaries?

         Is Paul's recognition of imperfection sufficient to justify the theory that the opponents had Gnostic leanings, claiming to be perfect and professing a radically realized eschatology in which Christ had already come? In 3:18-19, Paul reiterates a warning given in the past about those who live as enemies of the cross of Christ, making the belly their god, glorying in their shame and fixing their attention on earthly things. Are these people the same as the Judaizing evil workers of 3:2-3, now described as emphasizing the Mosaic dietary laws and glorying in the circumcised male organ? Or is this a more general condemnation of libertines based on inevitable unfettered human desires - a common and not necessarily specific accusation? Or even a condemnation of libertines in Ephesus, from where he writes and where he fought with "wild beasts" (1 Cor 15:32). Our inability to answer these questions about 3:12 and 3:18-19 warns us against complicating the clearer condemnation in 3:2-3 by opponents who would try to emphasize circumcision and confuse the Philippians. However, since most of what Paul says about himself and his prospects in ch. 3 would be valuable regardless of the identity and distinction of the opponents, and since the description of these opponents involves relatively few verses, a decision about them is not essential to reading Philippians intelligently.

3. Hymns in NT Letters and the Christological Hymn of 2:5-11
   1. Hymns in NT Letters

      Although reference is made to Christians singing "psalms, hymns, and inspired songs," the NT does not contain a collection of hymns similar to the OT Book of Psalms, the Hodayot (1QH) of the Dead Sea Scrolls, or the Psalms of Solomon (of the Pharisees). Rather, 1st century Christian hymns and canticles are incorporated into larger writings of another genre, e.g., a gospel, a letter, an apocalyptic vision. Sometimes the NT hymn or song is clearly designated, as in the heavenly song of Rev 4:8.10-11; 5:9. The hymns in the Lucan infancy narratives, while not designated as songs, are distinguished from the surrounding text as oracles or praises. The Johannine prologue, by its very location at the beginning of the gospel, stands apart. A greater problem is presented by the proposition that there are hymns woven into the heart of the letters and detectable only by scholarly investigation. More often than not, there is nothing in the context to indicate that a hymn is being introduced and quoted, although sometimes the transition to the embedded hymn is awkward. Among the criteria for detecting a hymn, the following have been suggested:

      1. The worship environment, for example, a proposed baptismal setting for Eph 5:14; and the hymns of 1 Peter.

      2. Introductory formulas, e.g., "Therefore it is said" in Eph 5:14; "We confess" in 1 Tim 3:16; or in the case of Christological hymns, a clause introduced by a relative pronoun, "He who..." (Phil 2:6; Col 1:15; 1 Tim 4:16), extended by causal connectors.

      3. The rhythmic style, the parallel patterns, the lines or stanzas of equal length, e.g. the series of six aorist passive verbs in 1 Tim 3:16; the parallel descriptions of the Son of God in Col 1:15-16 and 1:18b-19. This is not rhyming poetry; in fact, some would argue for prose hymns.

      4. Vocabulary different from that usually used by the epistolary author - only applicable if the author did not compose the hymn. Also, a distinct syntax is often found, for example, avoiding conjunctions (thus, parataxis).

      5. The hymns are not a criterion but are often characteristic of a high Christology, e.g., the description of the Word as God in John 1:1; or of the Son as the one in whom, for whom, and through whom all things were created (Col 1:16); or of Christ Jesus as the one who received the name above every other name (Phil 2:9). Among the dominant themes of Christology are creation, the struggle against evil that leads to restoration, and the death of Jesus that leads to resurrection (exaltation, enthronement). Ps 110:1, "The Lord said to my Lord, 'Sit at my right hand'" is a motif in a number of hymns (Rom 8:34; Eph 1:20-22; 1 Pet 3:22), probably on the principle that OT psalms can be seen as addressed to Christ (Heb 1:5.8.13). Some of the hymns addressed to Christ are similar to the hymns to God. Col 3:16 links the psalms and hymns to the teaching of the word of Christ, and they thus became the first vehicles of a Christological gospel.

      6. Another feature is the free editorial addition of explanatory clauses or phrases to traditional hymns to apply them more directly to the author's theme.

      The criteria are not easy to apply and, as a result, hymn detection is an inexact "science." Furthermore, the line between hymns and confessional formulas (e.g., 1 Cor 15:3-8) or doxologies (e.g., 1 Tim 6:15-16) is not clear. The following is a list of hymns often detected by scholars in the NT letters (scholars' estimates range from five to thirty); it does not purport to be complete, and those marked with an asterisk are those on which there is most consensus:

      Undisputed Letters	Disputed Letters	Other Writings
      Phil 2:6-11*	Col 1:15-20*	Heb 1:3
      1 Cor 13	Eph 1:3-14*	1 Pet 1:3-5
      Rom 3:24-26	Eph 1:20-23	1 Pet 1:18-21
      Rom 6:1-11	Eph 2:14-18 (22)	1 Pet 2:21-25
      Rom 8:31-39	Eph 5:14*	1 Pet 3:18-22
      Rom 11:33-36	Titus 3:4-7
      	1 Tim 3:16*
      	2 Tim 2:11-13*

      Various origins have been suggested for the formation of these hymns. Suggested pagan parallels include the Orphic Hymns (5th-4th century BCE), Cyma's Hymn of Isis (2nd century BCE), and the Liturgy of Mithras. The Jewish background is provided by the personified wisdom poems of the OT (e.g., Proverbs 1:20-33; 8-9; Sirach 24; Wisdom 7:22ff; Baruch 3:9ff) where, before the creation of the world, Wisdom is created by or comes from God and then descends to dwell among human beings and offer them the food and drink of the knowledge of God. This portrait of Wisdom has been a major element in the formation of NT Christology.

   2. The Christological Hymn of 2:5-11

      5 Let the same mind be in you that was in Christ Jesus,
      6 who, though he was in the form of God,
      did not regard equality with God
      as something to be exploited,
      7 but emptied himself,
      taking the form of a slave,
      being born in human likeness.
      And being found in human form,
      8 he humbled himself
      and became obedient to the point of death -
      even death on a cross.
      9 Therefore God also highly exalted him
      and gave him the name
      that is above every name,
      10 so that at the name of Jesus
      every knee should bend,
      in heaven and on earth and under the earth,
      11 and every tongue should confess
      that Jesus Christ is Lord,
      to the glory of God the Father.

      This description of Christ as a servant to be imitated is the most famous passage in the epistle to the Philippians (and even among the most memorable lines ever written by the apostle). The following points are worth mentioning in order to familiarize readers with these issues:

      • Most people think that Paul transcribed these lines, but did not create them; it is probably a pre-Pauline hymn that the Philippians knew and that Paul may have taught them on his first visit;

      • The structure of the hymn is a matter of debate, for example six stanzas of three lines each, or three stanzas of four lines each. In its theological flow, the hymn is bipartite, with the theme of abasement/humiliation in 2:6-8 and exaltation in 2:9-11.

      • Suggestions for the background of the hymn include: Gnostic reflections on primitive man; the Poimandres treatise in Hermetic literature; the story of Adam in Genesis and speculations about a second Adam; the imagery of the Suffering Servant in Deutero-Isaiah; the personified figure of Divine Wisdom in postexilic Judaism. The relationship to the OT is clear; the other proposed references are not.

      • There is also debate as to whether the hymn was originally composed in Greek, probably as part of the evangelistic mission to Greek-speaking Jews, or in Aramaic as part of the Palestinian missionary enterprise. A case can be made for the latter and the possibility that Paul learned the hymn in the late 30s, in the early years after his conversion.

      • The dispute over the precise direction of Christology centers on 2:6-7: Christ Jesus "who, being in the form of God, did not consider being equal to God to be a harpagmon (something to be clung to or grasped at), but stripped himself of his own self by taking the form of a servant, becoming (or being born) like men." Is "having the form of God" the same as being equal to God and thus being an uncreated being as in the Prologue of John ("The Word was God"), or does it mean being in the image/likeness of God (as in Gen 1:27: "God created Adam in his own image") and thus less than equal to God? Similarly, was Christ Jesus already equal to God, but did not grasp it, or was he offered the opportunity to become equal to God, but did not grasp it (as Adam did when tempted by the serpent in Gen 3:5: "You shall be like gods")? Does the movement of the hymn start from the fact that Christ was first in the form of God (i.e. equal to God) and then became human and thus took the form of a servant? Or does the hymn begin with Christ being simultaneously in the form (image) of God (which is not the same as being equal to God) and human in the form of a servant, and does the movement consist in accepting the form of a servant rather than seeking to become equal to God? In other words, does the hymn posit the incarnation of a divine figure, as the Johannine Prologue does, or is it a play on two Adam figures (i.e., human archetypal models): Genesis' Adam who was in the image of God but who, in trying to elevate himself, lowered himself by his sin; and Christ who was in the image of God but who, in humbly choosing to lower himself, was ultimately exalted by receiving the divine name (2:9-11)? If the hymn expresses the incarnation and was written in Aramaic in the 30s, then the highest type of Christology in the NT was articulated very early on.

      • Although the hymn is Christological in itself, the paraenetic context is soteriological, that is, it exhorts the recipients, for their own salvation, to follow the exalted Christ. Rather than seeking their own interests and seeking to elevate themselves (2:3-4), the Philippians are to be mindful of a Christ who has shown that the way to God is not through seeking a higher place on the ladder of life ("upward mobility") but through humble obedience to God, even to the point of death on a cross.

4. From Where and When?

   We glean from the letter to the Philippians itself the following elements, indicative of Paul's situation when he wrote the letter:

   1. He was in prison (1: 7.13.17).

   2. Where he was imprisoned, there were members of the Praetorian Guard (1:13), as well as Christians among "Caesar's household" (4:22).

   3. Paul mentions the possibility that he might die (1:19-21; 2:17): Imminently as a condemnation culminating in his imprisonment? Or as the always possible fate of a missionary?

   4. Yet he also hopes to be delivered (1:24-25; 2:25).

   5. Timothy was with Paul (1: 1; 2: 19-23).

   6. Christians with different motivations in this area, some envious of Paul, were emboldened to proclaim the word of God (1:14-18).

   7. There was frequent contact between Paul and the Philippians through messengers:
      1. The Philippians heard the news of Paul's imprisonment;
      2. they sent Epaphroditus with a gift (4:15); but he stayed with Paul and fell ill, even to the point of death (2: 26.30);
      3. the Philippians learned of Epaphroditus' illness;
      4. Epaphroditus heard that this news was distressing to the Philippians;
      5. Paul has sent or is now sending Epaphroditus back to Philippi (2:25-30);
      6. Paul hopes to send Timothy soon (2:19-23), and even to come himself (2:24).

   So the question must be asked: what sites in Paul's known career would fit these details?

   1. Caesarea (58-60)

      After Paul's arrest in Jerusalem, Acts 23:33 - 26:32 describes how Paul was taken to Caesarea to be tried before Felix, then imprisoned, and left there for two years until the new procurator, Festus, examined him and sent him to Rome. Details 1), 2), 4) above could fit this situation, especially around the year 60, when Felix arrived and gave Paul hope of being released. As for 5), Timothy left for Jerusalem with Paul and went as far as Troas (Acts 20:4-5), but we do not hear of him again in Acts. Are we to believe that he went to Jerusalem and Caesarea and stayed with Paul during these two years? And, regarding 6), did Paul's imprisonment give rise to rival evangelical activity among the Caesarean Christians we heard about earlier in Acts 21:8-14, even though they all seemed to favor Paul? The greatest difficulty concerns 7). Philippi is some 900 or 1,000 miles from Caesarea by sea (which would not always be passable) and well over 1,000 miles by the very difficult land route. Are all these round trips between Caesarea and Philippi plausible?

   2. Rome (61-63)

      Acts 28:16.30 reports that Paul, after being brought to Rome, remained under house arrest (alone, with a soldier to guard him) for two years at his own expense, and was allowed to preach without hindrance. As for Caesarea, details 1), 2), 3), 4) might be appropriate for Rome; in fact, 2) might be more appropriate for Rome. As for 5), there is no evidence in Acts that Timothy was with Paul in Rome in 61-63, and the distance between the last mention of him (at Troas) and the time he was mentioned is greater; but 6) is more easily done in Rome, since in Acts Paul's preaching is mentioned and we know from Romans 14 and 16:17-18 that the Christians in that city had different views. Here again, the greatest difficulty concerns 7). From Rome to Philippi, the overland route southeast along the Via Appia to Brundisium, the crossing of the Adriatic by boat to Macedonia, and the Via Egnatia to Philippi, would be a little over 1,125 kilometers; and a sea journey along the west coast of Italy, across the Adriatic, disembarking and re-embarking at the Isthmus of Corinth, and along the east coast of Greece (a route that could have been followed if the emissaries had wanted to visit the Pauline church in Corinth) would be over 900 miles. Although the distances are shorter than those of the Caesarea hypothesis, they still constitute a formidable obstacle to the frequency of travel necessary to explain the letter's evidence.

   3. Ephesus (54-56)

      Here, point 1) is problematic because we have no clear evidence that Paul was in prison in Ephesus. Yet during his three-year stay in that city, Acts 19:23-41 mentions an uproar in which Paul's companions were dragged before the magistrates, and Paul himself speaks of fighting "wild beasts" in Ephesus in a life-threatening situation (1 Cor 15:32) and of almost receiving a death sentence while in Asia (2 Cor 1:8-10). Similarly, in 2 Cor 6:5 and 11:23 (written before his imprisonment in Caesarea and Rome), Paul says that he had already suffered many imprisonments. Thus, imprisonment in Ephesus is a distinct possibility, and then 2), 3), 4) and 6) would present no difficulty. As for 5), it is certain that Timothy was with Paul in Ephesus (1 Cor 4:17; 16:10; Acts 19:22); moreover, the details of 7) fit better in Ephesus than in Caesarea or Rome. From Ephesus to Philippi, a direct journey by sea, or by land to Troas and then by sea, would be only about 400 miles and would take seven to nine days. Moreover, the references to Timothy above show that Paul sent emissaries to Macedonia while he was in Ephesus. One objection to the Ephesus theory is that 1 Corinthians, sent from there, mentions a collection to be taken up for the Jerusalem church throughout Paul's missionary territory, and that the letter to Philippians does not. But neither does Galatians (or Philemon), although it is plausible that the letter was written in Ephesus, even if the collection was to be made in the region of Galatia (1 Cor 16:1). Paul's stay in Ephesus and his subsequent trip to Corinth (from where he would go to Jerusalem) cover a period of four years. Gathering and taking up a collection in Jerusalem would not have been a matter of urgency during that entire period, especially if during that time he was in prison in Ephesus and in danger of dying (obviously without going to Jerusalem). Collecting became more urgent toward the end of the Ephesus period, when Paul was released from prison and could plan his travels, and then when he left Ephesus and traveled through Macedonia to Corinth (see 2 Cor 8-9; Rom 15:26-28 - the Macedonian Christians contributed at that time). In fact, the collection argument works in favor of Ephesus and a dating to about 55: if the letter to the Philippians was written in Caesarea or Rome, this successful collection would have been ancient history; why, then, in telling the story of the Philippians' generosity in Phil 4:10-20, does Paul not mention their contribution? Moreover, in 4:14-16, Paul recalls what appears to have been his first and only visit to Philippi. If he were writing from Caesarea or Rome, he would have been to Philippi at least three times.

   There is no way of deciding this question; but the best arguments seem to be on the side of Ephesus, and the weakest on the side of Caesarea.

5. Unity: One Letter or Two or Three?

   Although the unity of many Pauline letters has been challenged by the endless ingenuity of scholars, only two have remained the subject of major debate: 2 Corinthians and Philippians. What external and internal evidence casts doubt on the unity of Philippians?

   1. Externally, in the middle of the 2nd century, Polycarp (Philippians 3:2) mentions Paul's "letters" to the Philippians. If accurate, this could refer to the canonical letter and the lost letters, or the canonical letter and 2 Thessalonians, or the original form of the canonical correspondence before an editor combined several letters into one.

   2. Internally, Phil 3:1b ("I don't mind writing the same things to you") suggests that Paul may have written earlier to the Philippians. If so, was he referring to a lost letter or to an initially independent section of what has been collected as Philippians? At the end of chapter 2 (v. 23-30), Paul alludes to his travel plans, which he usually does near the end of his letters; and the "Finally" in the next verse (3:1a) seems to indicate that he is about to close the letter; yet two chapters follow. Does it make sense that Epaphroditus' dismissal is mentioned (2:25-30) before his arrival to bring gifts to Paul (4:18)? Some think that (if 3:1b - 4:3 were an insertion of another letter) 3:1a and 4:4 would fit together uniquely and that the different opponents detected in Philippians could be attributed to different letters.

   As for the letters that are thought to be combined in Philippians, the common denominator of the different theories is that chap. 3 constitutes in whole or in part a separate letter:

   1. The theory of two original letters, e.g,
      1. 3:1b - 4:20: A letter when Paul received the gift brought by Epaphroditus
      2. 1:1 - 3:1a + 4:21-23: A letter after Epaphroditus has recovered from his illness.

   2. The theory of three original letters, e.g,
      1. 4:10-20: A letter acknowledging the gift Paul received from the Philippians;
      2. 1:1 - 3:1a + 4:4-7.21-23: A letter that invites to lead a worthy life, rejoicing in the Lord;
      3. 3:1b - 4:3 + 4:8-9: A corrective and polemical letter.

   There is no doubt that the body of Philippians (1:12 - 4:20) contains a mixture of material, where Paul moves from autobiographical description (his position in prison and his relationship with the Philippians through Epaphroditus and Timothy) to exhortations and warnings against false teachers. The division into two or three letters is in fact an attempt by scholars to reorganize this material in a more logical and coherent way. However, there are no two or three distinct opening and closing statements in Philippians, so if there were originally several letters, the compiler has shortened them. Moreover, the logic behind moving segments (e.g., 4: 8-9) and combining these letters into the present irregular sequence is far from clear. Unity is promoted by the fact that there are rare Pauline words and a community of ideas shared by the two or three proposed letters. Therefore, an equal number of biblical scholars continue to hold that the present form of Philippians is the original form. It may be assumed that in prison Paul wrote in a spontaneous style, communicating his thanks for past relationships and present kindnesses, his exhortations and corrections as they came to mind, without rephrasing them in a totally logical sequence. In any case, this debate should not preoccupy ordinary readers who, given the very divided state of the research, are better advised to read the letter in its present order, recognizing that it reflects relationships over a period of time and that more than one danger can be envisioned.

6. Issues and Problems for Reflection
   1. The question of whether the letter to the Philippians represents a compilation from two or three original letters is of little importance to most readers. This statement can be verified by studying one of the theories of compilation and seeing if it affects the basic meaning of the text.

   2. It is interesting to examine the way the Christological hymn is printed in several modern translations of the NT. What effect, if any, does a decision about the number of stanzas and the lines assigned to each matter?

   3. Paul seems to reveal much about himself in this letter to the Philippians. From its content, what would have been Paul's strengths as a pastor in relation to the Philippian community? He is clearly polemical toward the evil workers in 3:2ff. How effective is what he says in refuting them? Assuming he is not likely to change their minds, how likely is his approach to protect or correct the Philippians he and they are addressing?

   4. Because of his imprisonment, Paul reflects several times in this letter on his relationship with Christ and thus reveals his own "spirituality. For example, Paul invites his readers to imitate him (3:17) and to imitate Christ (2:5). Indeed, at the beginning of the letter, Paul calls himself a servant of Christ in preparation for speaking of Christ as the one who has taken or accepted "the form of a servant" in 2:7. Notice that imitation is not simply a human endeavor (2:13). How feasible is such imitation after nearly two thousand years?

   5. In the opening formula, Paul addresses the saints in Philippi "with the episkopoi (supervisors/bishops) and the diakonoi (ministers/deacons)". The discussion of these two groups of officials has been colored by modern Christian attitudes toward bishops. To avoid such an early presence of bishops (of which there is no trace in the other proto-Pauline letters), some scholars have dismissed these passages as a later interpolation or have sought to detect Paul's disdain for these dignitaries (in implicit contrast to Paul's and Timothy's self-appointment as merely "servants" of Christ). Nowadays, many experts warn that episkopoi of Philippi were not the same as the officials of this name described at a later time in the Deutero-Pauline Pastorals. (For example, since secular episkopoi were financial managers of groups, wouldn't Paul have addressed those in Philippi who helped raise the money to support him)? However, nothing else is said in the Pauline Pastorals, so scholars' statements about these characters involve a lot of conjecture. A more useful exercise, using the Pauline writings of the same period, is to compare the "overseers" of Philippi with "those who govern [proïstamenoi] on you in the Lord" in 1 Thess 5:12, to the "administrators (kybernēseis) in 1 Cor 12:28, and to "the one who exhorts (parakalōn) in Rom 12:8. In addition, Acts 12:17; 15:2.4.6.22.23; 21:18 report about James and the elders/presbyters in Jerusalem. It seems that the churches of the 50s were structured, but not in the same way or with universally used titles.

   6. After reflecting on the different views reported on the Christology of the hymn in 2:5-11, one can compare the themes of this passage with other Pauline and Deutero-Pauline passages such as 1 Cor 8:6; 2 Cor 5:18-19; 8:9; Rom 5:12-19; Col 1:15-20.

   7. Paul identifies himself as having been a Pharisee (3:5; see Acts 23:6); and thus, even before he believed in Jesus, he would have anticipated the resurrection of the dead. We saw a modification of his belief in 1 Thess 4:15-17, where he states that the dead in Christ will rise to meet him at the parousia. Yet even before the parousia, Paul believes that if he leaves this life, he will be with Christ (Phil 1:23). In 3:11, perhaps rhetorically, he says: "If it is possible, may I come to the resurrection of the dead." How can we reconcile these expectations? In what way do these expectations form part of Christian hope today?

   8. The social situation in Philippi when Paul first came there is perhaps more relevant to the study of Acts 16:12-40, but Lydia was important there, just as Euodia and Syntyche were in the community to which Paul wrote five to ten years later (Phil 4:2).