We turn now to what has been called, since Eusebius in the early fourth century, the (seven) Catholic or general epistles, a designation which (at least in Eastern Christianity) was deemed appropriate for works addressed to the universal Church, namely James, 1-2 Peter, 1-2-3 John and Jude. Under their present titles, coming in canonical sequence after the Pauline corpus (including Hebrews), they appear to present the testimony about Jesus of those who had seen him in his earthly career, namely two members of his family (James and Jude) and two of the most important of the Twelve (Peter and John). Sometimes these writings confirm important elements of Paul's message (1 Peter); sometimes they represent a very different atmosphere (1-2-3 John; Jude); sometimes they are close to an indirect confrontation with Paul (James; 2 Peter). Almost all the characteristics of these Catholic epistles/letters are the subject of debate in academic circles: the genre (real letters?), their recipients (some specific, others not), and the actual author.

1. The Background

   Simon, who early on was called Cephas (Aramaic: Kēpā, "rock") or Peter (Greek: Petros from petra, "rock"), is always named first in lists of the Twelve and was clearly the most important of this group during Jesus' lifetime. The unanimous gospel tradition is that he denied Jesus and was disloyal at his arrest. Nevertheless, after the appearance of the risen Jesus to Simon Peter (Luke 24:34; 1 Cor 15:5; John 21), he was restored to pre-eminence and assumed a leadership role among Jesus' followers in Jerusalem during the early years (Acts 2-5). The description of Peter as the most active missionary among the Twelve, venturing to accept new groups into the Christian community (Acts 8:14-25; 9:32-11:18), is supported by Galatians 2:8; indeed, Paul sees Peter's apostolate as a point of comparison for himself. According to Acts 15 and Galatians 2:1-10, Peter was an important figure in the Jerusalem meeting of 49 that decided the acceptance of the Gentiles. He later played a role in the church at Antioch (where there was a controversy with Paul) and in 55 AD there was a group of Christians at Corinth who considered him their patron (1 Cor 1:12; 3:22). He was martyred (John 21:19) in Rome between 64 and 68, during the persecution of Nero. 1 Clement 5, written from Rome, treats Peter and Paul as the most righteous pillars of the Church who were persecuted to the death.

   The image of Peter remained extremely important after his death, as we can see in the Gospel passages that were most likely written after 70. In John 21, he is presented as the first fisherman (missionary) among the Twelve, bringing Jesus a huge catch of fish, then as the shepherd (pastor) in charge of feeding Jesus' sheep. In Luke 22:32, it is to him that Jesus says, "Strengthen your brothers." In Matthew 16:18, Peter, who responded in faith to the Messiah, the Son of God, is the one on whom Jesus will build the Church and to whom he will give the keys of the kingdom of heaven. It is in this context that we must understand this letter written in Peter's name.

   Two other figures are mentioned in 1 Pet 5:12-13 as being present with Peter in Babylon (Rome): Silvanus, "whom I consider a faithful brother, through whom I wrote to you"; and Mark, "my son." As for the former, Acts 15:22,32 mentions Silas, a Jewish Christian prophet of the Jerusalem church who risked his life for the Lord's sake (15:26). Together with Judas Barsabbas, he brought the instructions of the Jerusalem meeting of 49 AD (where Peter and Paul were present) to Antioch. According to 15:36 - 18:5, as a substitute for Mark who went with Barnabas to Cyprus, Paul chose Silas to be a missionary companion during the "second missionary journey", at least until Corinth, where Silas is mentioned for the last time in Acts. He is the same Silvanus whom Paul identifies as a co-author in 1 Thess 1:1, a letter written from Corinth during that journey. Silvanus' preaching in Corinth at this time is recalled in 2 Cor 1:19. We do not know how Silas/Silvanus (Sylvanus is the Latinized name for Silas) came to Rome, but it is likely that Peter knew him as a "faithful brother" from the Jerusalem days.

   With regard to Mark, the reader is invited to review discussion on the issue whether John said Mark and Mark were the same person. In summary, it is possible that a Jewish Christian named Mark, whom Peter knew in Jerusalem (Acts 12:12) and who had been a companion of Paul's (at first and later), came to Rome in the 60s, in Paul's last days, and that there he became useful to Peter.

2. General Analysis of the Message
   1. Opening Formula: 1: 1-2

      1 P uses the same type of Jewish epistolary greetings as Paul, although 1 P modifies the standard "grace and peace" by adding "may it be multiplied to you" from the OT epistolary format illustrated in Dn 3: 98 ( 4: 1). The fact that the author does not use the name of Simon (cf. 2 Pet 1, 1) but that of "Peter" suggests that the testimony given in the letter (for example, 5: 1) does not appeal so much to the memory of the eyewitness of the ministry of Jesus than to the testimony of the one who was a great apostle and who is now considered "a pillar" of the Church (Gal 2:9, even if Paul does not like this expression ). The address is "To the exiles of the diaspora", a term used in the OT to refer to Jews living outside of Palestine, the true homeland of the chosen people. However, the contents of the letter show quite clearly that the addressees are pagan Christians who are now the "chosen" people (1:1-2; 2:4,9) in the Diaspora - in the sense that they are scattered among the pagans. and perhaps also in the sense that they are far from their heavenly home. The specific geographical designation suggests the letter bearer's crescent-shaped route through northern Asia Minor: he will disembark at one of the Black Sea ports (e.g. Sinope) of Pontus, move towards the south through the eastern end of Galatia to Cappadocia, then west to the province of Asia, and finally north on a road up from Ephesus to a seaport of the Black Sea at the end of the province of Bithynia-Pontus (see map). We must note in the formula of 1 P the triadic mention of God the Father, of the Spirit and of Jesus Christ (cf. 2 Cor 13: 14).

   2. Body: 1: 3 - 5: 11
      1. First Section of the Body (1: 3 - 2: 10): Affirmation of Christian identity and dignity

         1 Pet lacks the thanksgiving so characteristic of the Pauline letters. In its place, the body of the letter opens with a remarkably affirmative section emphasizing the dignity of Christian believers. The description strongly echoes the imagery of the exodus from Egypt and the experience at Sinai. Like the Hebrews who were required to gird up their loins at the first Passover, the recipients are to gird up their minds (1:13). Those who entered the desert longed to return to the pleasant place of Egypt, but the Christian recipients must not conform to the desires of their former ignorance. God's request at Sinai: "Be holy because I am holy" is repeated (Lev 11:44; 1 Pet 1:16); and there are echoes of the golden calf, the paschal lamb, and God's ransoming of Israel (Deut 7:8) in the reminder that the recipients were redeemed not with silver and gold, but with the precious blood of Christ, the spotless lamb. A reference to the beginning of the Christian life is found in 1:3 and 1:23: "You have been born again, not of perishable seed, but of imperishable seed."

         Since 3:18-22 is specific: "It was the image of the baptism that now saves you," many scholars believe that the author drew his imagery from baptismal language where entry into God's Christian people was understood by analogy with Israel's beginnings as God's people. Some scholars like to be specific and think that 1 Pet would have used the language of a baptismal hymn or hymns that can be reconstructed. Others think of a baptismal liturgy used in Rome, with baptism conferred between 1:21 and 1:22. Because of the symbolism of Passover, a special baptismal liturgy for the Easter vigil has been proposed. Another thesis suggests a baptismal homily covering the whole of 1:3 - 4:11,14. For our purposes, it is not really necessary to be so specific. We cover most of the section if we think that the author is referring to the traditional language and passages of Scripture heard at baptism by recipients who had been evangelized by missionaries who were very attached to the traditions of Israel. (I will suggest later that this region of Asia Minor had been evangelized from the Jerusalem of Peter and James.)

         The climax of this section is in 2:4-10, which focuses on two sets of three OT texts: the set of 2:6-8 focuses on Christ, the stone chosen by God but rejected by some human beings; and the set of 2:9-10 focuses on the Christian community, once without a people but now a people of God. The important v. 9 interprets Exodus 19:6 (LXX): "You shall be to me a kingdom, a body of priests and a holy nation," i.e., the privileges of Israel are now the privileges of Christians.

      2. Second Section of the Body (2: 11 - 3: 12): Appropriate behavior for bearing good witness in a Pagan world

         Given the dignity of the Christian people, there is a standard of conduct that can serve as an example to the surrounding Gentiles to counteract their low opinion of Christians. This leads us to the last of the five domestic codes of the NT (2:13 - 3:7) that we began to examine earlier in chapter 27. The point here is not to change the existing social and domestic order (even if it is unjust), but only to know how to behave in the present situation in a way that exemplifies Christ's patience and self-giving. Code 1 P deals with the submission of Christians to the emperor and rulers, the submission of slaves to their masters, and the reciprocal relationship between (submissive) wives and (caring) husbands. Thus, structurally, it is less balanced than the triad of reciprocal relationships of Col 3:18 - 4:1 and Eph 5:21 - 6:9, and it does not deal with children/fathers. In some ways, 1P is not at all close to the emphasis on older men/older women and younger women/younger men relationships in Titus 2:1-10, but in other ways, both domestic codes share the goal of edifying behavior that would draw others to the faith. 1 Pet shares the motifs of prayer/respect for those in authority and modest dress for women with the now dispersed domestic code(s) in 1 Tim (2:1-2); 2:8-15; 5:1-2; 6:1-2. Like Titus and 1 Tim, and unlike Col and Eph, the 1 Pet code speaks only of the duty of slaves to their masters and not the other way around. We shall see later that in terms of institutional ministry, 1 Pet is perhaps closer to the Pastorals than to Col. and Eph.

         As for the details, being subject to the king (emperor) and governors who punish wrongdoers will show that Christians are not wrongdoers despite what people say. Slaves must be patient when they are beaten unjustly, just as the sinless Christ set an example by patiently accepting insults and suffering. (The passage in 2:21-25 shows how intimately the portrait of the Suffering Servant in Isa 53 was woven into the Christian description of Christ's passion.) The exhortation to the slaves ends on the note that their wounds have been healed and that Christ is the shepherd and guardian of their souls.

         This part of 1 Pet ends in 3:8-12 with the address to "all of you" with five brief imperatives about how to treat one another so that we can live as a truly Christian community, and the promise of a blessing from the Lord, quoting Ps 34:13-17. Perhaps once again 1 Pet echoes the standard baptismal oration, as Jas 1:26 reflects Ps 34:14.

      3. Third Section of the Body (3: 13 - 5: 11): Christian behavior in the face of hostility

         A little further on, we will deal with the question of whether the suffering in 1P comes from persecution or from alienation. The latter hypothesis seems more plausible, and it is on this that I will work. Christians suffer, they are reviled and abused by their fellow pagans who cannot understand the strange turn the Gospel has produced in the lives of the converts, making them antisocial. But Christians have the example of Christ, the just one who suffered for the unjust. His death was not the end, for he was made alive in the spirit and then went to proclaim his victory over the evil angels who were imprisoned in a pit after sinning with women and causing the flood (3:18-19). From this flood, Noah and others, eight in all, were saved, just as Christians were saved by the cleansing waters of baptism (3:20-21).

         Christians are alienated because they cannot live like their pagan neighbors. We have seen lists of vices in the Pauline letters, but in 4:3-4 the list seems to be shaped by a malicious image of pagan festivals that Christian pagans no longer participate in. 1 Pet 4:5-6 promises that a judgment of the God of the living and the dead will deal with the injustice faced by those who have accepted the preaching of the Gospel about Christ. If some of them have died despised by others ("judged in the flesh according to human standards"), they will survive ("living in the spirit according to God"). This judgment of all things is coming soon, for the end of all things is near (4:7). As for the present, in the midst of the hostility of their neighbors, they can survive if they love, support and serve one another (4:8-11).

         Since Christ has shown that suffering is the way to glory, Christians should not be surprised if "fiery trial" and greater suffering come (4:12-19). The judgment will begin with the Christian community, "the house of God" (v. 17). That is why Peter, who has witnessed Christ's sufferings and shared in the glory that will be revealed, encourages the presbyters of the community to care for the flock (5:1-4). The implicit structure of the Church is well established. They seem to receive a salary, for 1 Pet insists that they are to shepherd eagerly and not for shameful gain. The model for them is Christ, the chief shepherd.

         The body of the letter ends with a series of admonitions (5:5-9), stacked one upon the other. The obedience of those under the authority of the presbyters must correspond to the care they take. The need for vigilance is emphasized. The imagery, echoing Ps 22:14, is memorable: "Your adversary, the devil, prowls around like a roaring lion, seeking [someone] to devour." The consoling doxology (5:10-11) offers the promise that, in this struggle, Christ will confirm, strengthen and reinforce Christians after they have suffered a little.

   3. Concluding Formula: 5: 12-14

      Peter now intervenes with personal greetings, perhaps added in his own hand. Their wording is somewhat different from the greetings that characterize Paul's letters. It is not clear whether writing "briefly through Silvanus" means that Silvanus is the bearer (cf. Acts 15:23: "written with their hand") or the secretary (amanuensis). Some think that "briefly" tips the balance towards the latter. The persons of Sylvanus and Mark were introduced earlier in the section on context. The Church of Rome joins its greeting to that of Peter.

3. The Suffering Described: Imperial Persecution or Alienation?

   The many passages dealing with suffering in 1 Pet have attracted attention, entering into the discussion of the dating and purpose of the letter. For example, if one thinks that Peter wrote the letter (alone or through a secretary), one can interpret the indications that the readers are or have been undergoing trials of some kind (1:6) and are being treated by the Gentiles as evildoers (2:12), referring to the struggles in Rome between the Jews who believed in Christ and those who did not - struggles that led the emperor Claudius to expel the Jews from Rome around 49 AD. The trial by fire that is about to fall on the recipients (4:12) and the same suffering anticipated on Christians throughout the world (5:9) could reflect the persecution in Rome at the time of Nero after the fire of 64, either about to begin or already underway, and the Christians' fear that it would spread throughout the Empire. If we think that the work is pseudonymous and that it was written around 90, the references could concern the imperial harassment in the time of Domitian: some interrogations and already some trials, but with the fear of a greater intensity and even of an active persecution. But if imperial persecution were involved, whether by Nero or by Domitian, would 1 Pet require "Honor the king [emperor]" (2:17; also 2:13)?

   A more recent tendency has been to refer the language of suffering and hardship in 1 Pet not to imperial persecution but to a local hostility in which non-Christians spoke ill of Christians, treating them as evildoers (2:12), defaming their conduct (3:16), slandering them (4:4) and insulting them because of their belief in Christ (4:14). The Christians would have constituted a new cult, exclusive and, to the outside eye, secret and subversive - suspected of immorality or even atheism because they did not participate in public worship and thus insulted the gods. On the one hand, the expression "trial by fire" (4:12) may seem too hyperbolic for such a treatment; on the other hand, this explanation captures very well the atmosphere of alienation that pervades the letter. The strong emphasis on the dignity of Christians and their status is meant to encourage a group that has been cast aside by their countrymen, a group that can be described as homeless and alien (2:11; see also 1:1, 17). They are like Israel in the exodus on the road to the Promised Land; they must not look back to their former status as the Israelites did (1:14), but cling to their imperishable heritage (1:4). Although they may have been accepted by their neighbors before, they were then "not a people" in God's eyes and had not received God's mercy (2:10, echoing Hos 1:9; 1:6); now they are a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy nation, the people of God (1 Pet 2:9).

4. 1 Pet 3:19; 4:6 and the Descent of Christ into Hell

   Two texts from 1 Pet are important for this question.

   (3: 18-20) (Christ was put to death in the flesh and made alive in the Spirit) "in which having gone he made proclamation to the spirits in prison. Formerly they had been disobedient when God's patience waited in the days of Noah."

   (4: 6) "For this reason the gospel was preached also to the dead, in order that, having been judged in the flesh by human estimation [literally, 'according to men'], they might live in the Spirit in God's eyes ['according to God']."

   A number of vague NT texts indicate that Christ, presumably after his death, descended beneath the earth (Rom 10:7; Eph 4:9), raised dead saints from below (Mt 27:52; Eph 4:8), and triumphed over evil angelic powers (Phil 2:10; Col 2:15). Among the 2nd century apocrypha, the Ascension of Isaiah 9:16; 10:14; 11:23 presents Christ as having stripped the angel of death before rising from the dead and ascending into heaven, after which the angels and Satan worshipped him. In Solomon's Odes 17: 9 ; 42: 15, Christ opens the doors that were closed and those who had died run to him. Meliton of Sardis (On the Passover 102) has Christ say: "I am the one who has trampled on hell, bound the strong, and snatched people up to heaven on high". Later, the Gospel of Nicodemus contains an entire account of Christ's descent into hell to deliver the Old Testament saints - the source of the legends about martyrdom in hell. From the 4th to the 6th century, an article appears in the Apostles' Creed: "He descended into hell". This clause is a curiosity in the sense that the Church never decided on the exact purpose of this journey. Indeed, some modern churches have deleted this clause, considering it meaningless to contemporary faith. This is an overreaction, for it is certainly a way of expressing figuratively that Christ's death affected those who had gone before him. But in what way? Do the two texts in 1 Pet refer to the same preaching? And what is the relationship between the texts of 1 Pet and the clause of the Creed? These are the questions we now seek to answer. The fact that, during the triduum mortis (three days [or parts thereof], from Friday evening to Sunday morning, during which his body was in the tomb), Christ descended to the place of the dead can give rise to two major interpretations that have been intertwined with the interpretation of the texts of 1 Pet.

   1. For salvific purposes.

      This is the oldest interpretation, dating back to at least the beginning of the second century. In the Gospel of Peter 10:41, as Christ is taken from the tomb by two huge angels followed by the cross, a voice from heaven asks, "Have you made a proclamation to those who are sleeping?" The cross prostrates itself as it answers, "Yes." The context suggests that the preaching would be beneficial, as Justin clearly states, Dialogue, 72, written around 160. Clement of Alexandria (c. 200) offers the first attested interpretation of 1 Pet 3:19 in this way, a view attractive to Origen who argued that hell was not eternal. A modification of the approach to avoid this implication about hell holds that Christ went to limbo in order to announce to the dead saints that heaven was now open to them and/or to offer sinners a second chance if they accepted this announcement.

   2. For condemnatory purposes.

      If one interprets 3:19 in light of 4:6, the proclamation to the spirits in prison amounts to evangelizing the dead and must have had a saving intent. However, biblical scholars have forcefully demonstrated that the two verses do not refer to the same event. 1 Pet 4:6 does not say that Christ preached, but it refers to the preaching of Christ, which is the proclamation of the gospel. Christians who have accepted the gospel and have since died are alive in the eyes of God (as in 1 Thess 4:13-18). On the other hand, in 1 Pet 3:19, it is indeed the (risen) Christ who preaches, but to the spirits in prison, without any mention of the dead. In Semitic anthropology, the term "spirits" (as distinguished from "shadows") would be an unusual way of referring to the dead; it is more likely to refer to angels. The reference to disobedience in the days of Noah suggests that these are the angels or sons of God who did evil by having relations with earthly women according to Gen 6:1-4, an evil that led God to send the great flood from which Noah was saved (6:5ff). In Jewish mythology prior to the NT, the story of these wicked angels is very elaborate; for example, God had the spirits gathered and imprisoned in a great pit under the earth until the day they would be judged (1 Enoch 10:11-12; Jubilees 5:6). In 1 Pet 3:19, the risen Christ descends to proclaim his victory and crush the satanic forces. The imagery is similar to that of John 16:11, where Jesus' return to God marks the condemnation of the Prince of this world, and to that of Rev 12:5-13, where when the Messiah is born (by resurrection) and ascends to heaven, the devil and his angels are cast down. This is probably the most plausible explanation of 3:19.

5. Relation to the Pauline Tradition

   We must examine the similarity between 1 Pet and the Pauline tradition under several headings, for the diagnosis of this relationship is important for the reconstruction of early Christianity.

   1. Similarity of format.

      As we have seen, the opening and closing formula of 1 Pet resemble those found in Paul's letters, but with some significant differences. Since most of the NT letters are associated with Paul, there is not enough other evidence for comparison to say whether the format of the Pauline letters is unique to Paul. Some similar elements in 1 Pet may represent a common Christian letter format and may not be derived from direct knowledge of the Pauline letters.

   2. Similarity of phraseology and thought.

      These words and phrases in 1 Pet are an example: in Christ (3:16; 5:10,14), freedom (2:16), charisma with examples (4:10-11), the sufferings of Christ (pathēmata: 1:11; 4:13; 5:1), righteousness (dikaiosynē: 2:24; 3:14). How widespread was this terminology? In some cases, the phrase may be typically Pauline, e.g., "in Christ" appears 164 times and "charisma" appears fifteen times in Pauline writings, and nowhere else in the NT except in 1 Pet. In other cases, we are dealing with terms attested elsewhere in the NT, e.g., the freedom brought by Christ is found in Mark, Luke, and John; the sufferings of Christ in Heb 2:9-10. In particular, several of the proposed parallels between 1 Pet and Eph are attested elsewhere with variations, e.g., Christ as the cornerstone (1 Pet 2:7; Eph 2:20 - see Matt 21:42) and the domestic code.

   3. Significant differences from Paul

      Although 1 Pet speaks of righteousness or justification, it does not specify "by faith," which is the Pauline theme. There is no reference in 1 Pet to a tension between faith and works, the church as the body of Christ, the pre-existence of Christ before creation, etc.

   4. Some general similarities in the theological message

      These general similarities, e.g., the saving death and resurrection of Christ and the efficacy of baptism (1 Pet 3:18-22), do not necessarily reflect direct knowledge of Paul's letters. Paul specifically says that he and Cephas (and others) had a common preaching (1 Cor 15:11 with reference to 15:5-7). The cultic parallels between 1 Pet and Rom. (the priestly ministry of preaching and spiritual offerings in Rom. 15:16 compared to 1 Pet 2:5) can be attributed to an appreciation of Jewish worship among Roman Christians - the very situation He would have been writing to correct. Both Silvanus and Mark had been with Paul; they could have been possible channels of Pauline influence on the writer, if the references to them in 5:12-13 are historical. 1 Pet was written from Rome, a city where at least some of the church would have been influenced by Paul's letter to the Romans and where Paul and Peter may have crossed paths in the 60s. It is therefore not necessary to assume that the author had read much of the Pauline corpus. We can consider 1 P to be a largely independent work, no closer or further from Paul's thought than Peter would have been historically from Paul towards the end of their lives. The two men represented different streams of Christian missionary activity, and 1 Pet and 2 Pet can be seen as a separate Petrine corpus from the much larger Pauline corpus. In the latter (thirteen letters), as we have seen, there are seven authentic writings by Paul and six other writings that many judge (with varying degrees of probability) to be pseudonyms, e.g., 2 Thess quite possibly by Paul, but Eph very probably not. In the Petrine corpus (two letters), there is 1 Pet, probably pseudonymous as we shall see, but difficult to judge; and 2 Pet, much more clearly a post-Petrine composition by an admirer who may have been a disciple.

6. By Whom, From Where, and When?

   We will try to answer a number of questions on the basis of the data mentioned in 1 Pet. It may be useful to recall, however, that if 1 Pet were to be a totally fictitious pseudepigraph without any relation to Peter, then all the data (e.g., the geographical names and the names of persons) could be fictitious as well; and many questions would be completely unanswered.

   1. By Whom

      Of all the Catholic epistles, 1 Pet is the most likely to have been written by the person to whom it is attributed. A major argument made for Peter's composition is the knowledge of Jesus' words displayed in the work. Since there is no explicit quotation, one must decide whether any echoes are more likely attributable to the memory of an auditory witness (favoring composition by Peter) or to knowledge of the preached tradition and/or the written Gospels (making composition by Peter highly unlikely).

      What are the arguments against authenticity?

      1. The excellent quality of the Greek, with its rich vocabulary, and the citation of the LXX form of the OT make it unlikely that 1 Pet was composed by a Galilean fisherman. However, since 1 Pet 5:12 may indicate that Silvanus (Silas) was an amanuensis (secretary), if he had considerable freedom and knew Greek well, he could have formulated Peter's thoughts.

      2. The dependence of 1 Pet on the Pauline writings does not correspond to the historical relationship between Peter and Paul, which was hostile. In fact, neither dependence nor hostility should be exaggerated. Some relationship with Paul could be explained by location (both were in Rome in the 60s) or by common collaborators (Silvanus and Mark). As for the recipients, the claim that 1 Pet was sent to Pauline territory is dubious, as we shall see later.

      3. The references to a "fiery trial" (4:12) and the experience of suffering required of the brotherhood throughout the world (5:9) suggest universal imperial persecution, and there was none in Peter's lifetime. However, since there was no universal persecution of Christians until the second century, this interpretation of suffering would require a dating too late to be plausible. The passage may mean nothing more than harassment and the common Christian requirement to take up the cross.

      4. The organization of the Church implied in 5:1 with established presbyters, apparently appointed and salaried, corresponds better to the last third of the century than to the life of Peter. This may be true; but the reference to various charisms in 4:10-11 suggests a period of transition, earlier, for example, than that envisaged by 1 Tim, which was addressed to Ephesus in the province of Asia.

      5. The author calls himself "Peter" rather than Simon or Simon Peter. This seems to be the mark of a disciple emphasizing the authority implicit in the symbolic designation.

      6. Certain clues in the circumstances that will be discussed in the following paragraphs also make a date shortly after the martyrdom of Peter and the fall of Jerusalem more plausible. As a result, many scholars hypothesize a pseudepigraphic composition, not by a purely fictitious claimant, but by a representative of those in Rome (a school of disciples?) who regarded themselves as the heirs of Peter.

   2. From Where?

      The farewell greeting in 5:13 includes "Your sister church in Babylon". Some scholars have tried to refer to a geographical Babylon in Egypt or Mesopotamia (partly in the interests of the Reformation to avoid attributing authority to the church in Rome). Today, there is almost universal agreement that this letter was written from Rome. Excavations on Vatican Hill, which show a strong ancient tradition of honoring the site where Peter was buried, confirm the information in 1 Clement 5, written about 96-120 from Rome, that Peter fought to the death. A letter from that city bearing Peter's name would therefore have been perfectly appropriate.

   3. To Whom and Where?

      1 Pet 1:1 is addressed "To the exiles of the Dispora in Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Asia, and Bithynia" (see the map). That the Gentiles were the primary focus is suggested by 2:10: "Once you were not a people, but now you are God's people." All Christians may be exiles in the diaspora in the sense of being far from their true home with Christ in heaven, but the fact that the recipients are expected to understand the heavy dose of exodus imagery in 1 Pet suggests that Gentile Christians were catechized with a strong appreciation of Judaism. In 2:9, Christians have acquired all the privileges of Israel.

      Are the five places mentioned, all in Asia Minor, adjacent Roman provinces or smaller regions or districts within those provinces, reflecting ancient national origins? In the first case, it is the entire western half of Asia Minor and Paul was in Galatia and Ephesus in Asia. In the second case (which is more plausible), it is northern Asia Minor, and Paul probably did not go to most of that region; for example, Acts 16:7 says that the Spirit of Jesus did not allow Paul to enter Bithynia, and Acts does not mention that he went to Pontus, Cappadocia, or northern Asia. We have no evidence that Peter went to that region either, but there is another possibility that would explain why a letter bearing his name was addressed there. Three of these five names (Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia) are mentioned in Acts 2:9 in a list of devout Jews from Jerusalem who heard Peter preach at Pentecost and asked to be baptized. This list of people (which includes Rome) may well be the program of what Luke knows to have been the spread of Jerusalem Christianity, a Christianity that did not insist on circumcision or the Sabbath but, more than Paul's mission, insisted on the Jewish heritage. In dealing with Galatia, we saw that those who came to Galatia (a fourth region mentioned in 1 Pet) and preached a different gospel than Paul's probably claimed to represent the authorities in Jerusalem, so that in Gal 2:9 Paul refutes them by insisting that James, and Cephas, and John held out to him the right hand of fellowship. Peter was a representative of Jerusalem Christianity, and part of his popularity in Rome may have stemmed from the fact that the Roman church was also the product of the Jerusalem mission. This context may well explain why Peter or a disciple using his name wrote from Rome to the churches of Asia Minor: they and Rome shared the same history, and Peter was an authority on both.

      Yet one wonders whether, instead of having the letter come from Rome, it would not have made more sense for the church in Jerusalem (and perhaps James) to address pastoral advice to the regions evangelized by its missionaries. Several observations may be helpful. Although both Peter and James had some common ground as representatives of Jerusalem Christianity (Galatians 1:18-19; 2:11-12; 1 Corinthians 9:5: "brethren of the Lord" and Cephas), Peter is portrayed as a mobile missionary in charge of outreach to the Gentiles (Acts 9:32-11:18; 12:17), while James remained in Jerusalem as the leader of the Jewish Christian community. Therefore, the image of Peter was perhaps the most appropriate to address the churches in purely Gentile areas. Furthermore, according to Christian tradition, the Jewish Revolt caused a major disruption in the Jerusalem church, as the Christians in that city refused to take part in the war and crossed the Jordan to Pella. Thus, the Roman conquest of Jerusalem in AD 70 may have marked the beginning of a period when Christians in Rome took over the evangelistic enterprise that had previously been taking place in the Jewish capital. In 1 Clement (ca. 96-120), the Roman church admonishes the church at Corinth, and Ignatius writes to the Roman church ca. 110: "You have taught others" (Romans 3:1).

   4. When?

      At the upper end of the possible chronological scale, 1 Pet is cited by or known to several early 2nd century witnesses, e.g., 2 Pet 3, 1, Polycarp's Philippians, and Papias (Ecclesiastical History 3.39.17), and so a date later than 100 is unlikely. At the lower end of the scale, we must postulate a date later than Peter's arrival in Rome. Since there is no reference to Peter in the letter Paul wrote to Rome in 58, we can assume that 1 Pet could not have been written before the early 60s. If Peter wrote the letter, the possible range would be 60-65. If the letter is pseudonymous, written by a disciple, the range would be 70-100. It is doubtful whether the respect for the emperor inculcated in 2:13,17 was likely at the time of Nero's persecution, which began after the fire of 64 (he was assassinated in 68), or in the last years of Domitian's reign (81-96), after the revolt of 89, when he gave free rein to his hostility toward those who held suspect opinions. The two ranges can therefore be reduced to 60-63 and 70-90. The pastoral concern for Asia Minor exercised from Rome would be more intelligible after 70. Similarly, the use of "Babylon" to refer to Rome is more understandable after 70, when the Romans destroyed the Second Temple; all other evidence for this symbolic use of the name is in the post-70 period. The best parallels to the church structure described in 1 Pet 5:1-4 are found in works written after 70. All of this tips the scales in favor of the years 70-90, which now seems to be the majority opinion of scholars.

7. Issues and Problems for Reflection
   1. As for canonicity, 1 Pet and 1 John were the first of the seven Catholic epistles to be widely accepted as canonical. We have seen above the early 2nd century witnesses for 1 Pet. Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 3.3.1) mentions 1 Pet first in his discussion of the writings of the apostles and asserts that it was used by the elders of formerly (unlike 2 P). Curiously, 1 P is not mentioned in the Fragment of Muratori, but this absence can come from the badly preserved character of this list. P⁷², a 3rd century papyrus, contained 1 P, 2 P and Jude. Along with 1 John and James, 1 Pet was accepted by the Syriac-speaking church in the 5th century.

   2. In the history of ecclesiology, 1 Pet 2:9 has played an important role. It describes the baptized Christian community as a royal priesthood. The sacrifices it offers are spiritual sacrifices (2:5), namely its virtuous life. In the struggles of the Reformation, it was used against the Roman Catholic maintenance of an ordained priesthood, on the grounds that a priesthood separate from that of the Christian community is not justified by the NT. Several observations must be made. First, there is no evidence that the term "priest" was used to refer to any Christian official in NT times. Priestly terminology seems to have been introduced in the second century in connection with the use of sacrificial language for the eucharist. Second, the description of God's people as a royal priesthood is OT terminology (Exodus 19:6): Israel had both this ideal and a specially consecrated priesthood with powers and duties different from those who were not priests. Therefore, the idea that a priesthood of the baptized community excludes the existence of specially ordained priests is not biblically justifiable. However, it is worth reflecting on how churches with the concept of a specially ordained priesthood can strive to maintain an appropriate emphasis on the universal Christian priesthood. Third, 1 Pet 2:9 is comparable to Rev 1:6 where, in liturgical language, Jesus Christ is praised for "making us a kingdom, priests to his God"; and to Rev 5:10 where the seer says of those in heaven who have been redeemed to God through Christ, "You have made them a kingdom and priests to our God." There is thus an eschatological tone in the community priesthood.

   3. The recipients of 1 Pet are alienated from their surrounding society because of their Christian beliefs and practices. In today's first world, especially in the United States, blending in with the surrounding society is almost an ideal, so that Christians who do not do so are considered sectarian. Leaving aside the particular context of antiquity, where pagans had recently become Christians in Roman-controlled Asia Minor, is there an all-time truth to be learned from 1 Peter's description of Christians as outsiders? To what extent does Christian identity require distinguishing oneself from a non-Christian society?

   4. Whatever nuance one gives to it, Christ's going to proclaim the good news to the spirits in prison who had been disobedient in the days of Noah (1 Pet 3:19) means that his victory was applied to those who lived and acted in the OT era. There are imaginative elements to this description, but it represents a Christian instinct that Christ's victory affected not only those who followed temporally, but also those who went before - a temporal universality that is part of the theology that all are saved by Christ. (See also Mt 27:52.) How do Christians reconcile such a reliance on Christ with the belief that those who have not known Christ are judged by God according to how they have lived in light of their own knowledge and conscience?

   5. 1 Pet 2:9 speaks of the Gentiles as God's chosen people with all the prestigious privileges of Israel in the OT. Where does this type of theology leave the Jews who did not believe in Jesus? Would the writer say that they are no longer a royal priesthood, a holy nation, the people of God? Or does he simply not think of them because they are not an issue in the area he is addressing?