Now we come to the book at the end of the canonical NT, even though it was not the last book of the NT to be composed - 2 Pet has this distinction. The name "Apocalypse" (from the Greek title of the book: Apokalypsis) has the advantage of capturing the esoteric character of the genre of this work, so that it is not simply considered a revelation in the ordinary religious sense of a divine communication of information. This brings us to the main difficulty with this book. Rev is widely popular for the wrong reasons, for many people read it as a guide to how the world will end, assuming that the author received detailed knowledge of the future from Christ which he communicated in coded symbols. For example, preachers have identified the Beast of the Earth with the number 666 as Hitler, Stalin, the Pope, and Saddam Hussein, and have linked the events of Revelation to the communist revolution, the atomic bomb, the creation of the state of Israel, the Gulf War, etc. During the 19th and 20th centuries, many interpreters of prophecy have used the calculations of Revelation to predict the exact date of the end of the world. So far, all have been wrong! Some of the more militant exponents of Revelation have infuriated law enforcement authorities to the point of armed intervention (the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas). On the other hand, many believing Christians do not believe that the author knew the future one way or the other, beyond his absolute conviction that God would triumph by saving those who remained faithful and defeating the forces of evil. This assessment can be defended by a study of the literary genre of apocalyptic, with which we will begin.

1. The Literary Genre of Apocalyptic

   The term "apocalypticism" generally refers to the ideology of works in this genre or the groups that have accepted them. Some prefer to use the noun "apocalyptic" to refer to the genre; but to avoid confusion with the NT book under discussion, let us use the nominal adjective "apocalyptic" in this role. The fact that this designation is derived from the title of the NT book tells us that in some respects Revelation is a model for the genre - a genre that is difficult to define, in part because we find no truly comparable examples in our contemporary literature. There are, of course, modern books written by people with fertile imaginations or who claim to have visions of the future, especially of Satan's liberation and the end of the world, but most of these books are imitations or innovative applications of Daniel and Revelation.

   When discussing aspects of apocalypse, qualifiers such as "frequently," "often," and "sometimes" are necessary because very little of what follows is true of all apocalypses. Biblical apocalypses are characterized by a narrative framework in which a revelatory vision is granted to a human being, most often through the intervention of an otherworldly being, such as an angel who takes him to a celestial vantage point to show him the vision and/or explain it to him. Sometimes, to achieve this, the visionary must travel a distance to the ends of the earth or make a vertical journey through different skies. The secrets revealed involve a cosmic transformation that will result in a transition from this world to a future world or era and a divine judgment on all. (NT Christian apocalyptic differs from Jewish apocalyptic of the same period in that the new era has already begun because of the coming of Christ.) The supernatural or future worldview helps to interpret present circumstances on earth, which are almost always tragic. As we shall see, apocalyptic has its roots in prophecy; and the prophets too had a supernatural experience where they were brought into the heavenly court that meets in the presence of God and introduced to God's mysterious plan (Amos 3:7; 1 Kings 22:19-23; Isaiah 6). In the apocalyptic, however, the visions of the other world have become much more lush, usually accompanied by vivid symbols (ideal temple, liturgical settings, cosmic phenomena, menagerie of fantastic beasts, statues) and mysterious figures. The prophetic message also involves current circumstances on earth (international and national politics, religious practice, social concerns), but the situation and solution are different from those of the apocalyptic. When the circumstances the written prophet addresses are prosperous and comfortable, he may condemn the situation as spiritually and morally barren and warn of impending disaster within the bounds of history (invasions, captivity, fall of the monarchy, destruction of the Temple); when the circumstances are desperate because of captivity or oppression, the prophet may offer hope in terms of return to the homeland or destruction of the oppressor and restoration of the monarchy. Apocalypses are most often addressed to those living in times of suffering and persecution, so desperate that they are seen as the embodiment of supreme evil. If history unfolds according to a pattern of divinely determined periods (enumerated in various ways), the author lives through the last of them. The hope of a historical solution has disappeared in favor of a direct divine intervention that will end everything. Very often, in a strongly dualistic approach, the apocalyptic author sees what is happening on earth as part of a titanic struggle in the next world between God or God's angels and Satan and his angels. In some apocalypses, the pseudonym is a key factor. The author takes the name of a famous person from antiquity, for example Daniel, a legendary sage, Enoch, who was taken up to heaven, or Ezra, the great lawgiver. Such a figure lends authority to the apocalypse because he can predict exactly what will happen between his time and the time the author writes (because, in fact, everything has already happened). Indeed, when we know later history, one way to date such works is to identify the period when the accuracy of the representation of history ceases and the inaccuracy or vagueness begins.

   To illustrate the history of Jewish and Christian apocalypticism and its variety, let us give some representative examples of the genre. The earliest illustration of biblical apocalypticism, and one that bears witness to its beginnings, can be dated to the Babylonian exile. This catastrophe, after the capture of Jerusalem, the destruction of the Temple and the fall of the monarchy, began to call into question the possibility of salvation in history. Although the book of Ezekiel is essentially prophetic in the sense that the prophet expected deliverance in history, the extravagant imagery of his visions (Ezekiel 1-3; 37) and his idealistic anticipation of the New Israel virtually transcend history (40-48) and overlap with apocalyptic style and anticipation. Indeed, Ezekiel provided much of the apocalyptic language and imagery that will be used in the future: the four living creatures (resembling a man, a lion, an ox, an eagle), a figure enthroned above the firmament and described in terms of precious stones and metals, scrolls that are eaten, the harlot, the wicked city-kingdom that is prosperous and blasphemous in its arrogance (Tyre in chapters 27-28), Gog of Magog, the measuring of the Temple, etc. A combination of historical prophetic message with apocalyptic elements and images (the Day of the Lord, hordes of destructive locusts) is found in the Book of Joel, of uncertain but probably postexilic date. Zechariah 4:1 - 6:8 is from the same period, with its visions (interpreted by an angel) of candlesticks, scrolls, and horses of four different colors; a little later, we find Deutero-Zechariah and Trito-Zechariah (Zechariah 9-14), with an allegory of shepherds and images of judgment and an ideal Jerusalem. See also Isaiah 24-27.

   Another important period for the appearance of apocalyptic writings is that of the 3rd and 2nd centuries BC, when the Greek dynasties of Egypt (Ptolemies) and Syria (Seleucids), following the conquest of Alexander the Great, became more authoritarian in their domination of Judea. In particular, the persecution of the Jewish religion in favor of the worship of Greek gods under the Seleucid king Antiochus IV Epiphanes (176-164 BC) sharpened the feeling of a diabolical evil that only God could overcome. The idea of an afterlife had now clearly developed among some Jews, and this opened the possibility of eternal happiness replacing an existence marked by suffering and torture. During this period, we move from prophetic books of an apocalyptic nature to full-fledged apocalypses. The initial section of 1 Enoch (chapters 1-36) was composed in the third century BC and contributed to the treasure trove of apocalyptic symbolism by presenting images of the final judgment and the wicked angels who fall and are locked up until the last days. A later section of the book (chapters 91-105) presents the predetermined story in a pattern of weeks. The book of Daniel, the greatest biblical apocalypse of the OT, was written around 165 BC. The vision of four monstrous beasts followed by the heavenly coronation of a son of man (chap. 7) and the vision of seventy weeks of years (chap. 9) had a strong impact on later apocalypses. The rise of the Dead Sea Scrolls community was linked to the unrest of the mid-2nd century BC; and the thinking of this community had strong apocalyptic elements, as evidenced by the Rule of War, a plan for the war of the end times between the sons of light and the sons of darkness. Another important period of Jewish apocalyptic production occurred in the decades following 70 CE and the Roman destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem - the ancient Babylonian devastation relived 650 years later. 4 Esdras and (somewhat later) 2 Baruch were composed in this era when Rome was the embodiment of evil.

   We do not know if the author of Revelation was familiar with the long apocalyptic discourse of Jesus (Mark 13 and parallels), but he was familiar with the traditional apocalyptic elements that circulated among first century Christians. For example, in the Pauline tradition there is a strong apocalyptic sense of Christ bringing the end of time, as well as anticipations of the resurrection of the dead and the figure of the antichrist (1 Cor 15; 2 Thess 2). Revelation, however, is the most apocalyptic book of the NT. Nero's vicious persecution of Christians in Rome and the apparent harassment under Domitian, in the broader context of the deification of the emperor, give a diabolical tinge to the struggle between Caesar and Christ; and the destruction of the Jewish Temple is seen as the beginning of divine judgment on all those who oppose Christ. The Apocalypse takes many elements from Ezekiel, Zechariah, the Apocalypse of Isaiah and Daniel, but with remarkable creativity. In addition, other features, such as the letters to the churches, the meeting of Christ the Lamb with the heavenly court and the marriage of the Lamb, testify to its originality. Christian apocalypticism continued after the NT period, both in circles considered orthodox (Pastor of Hermas; Apocalypse of Peter) and among the Gnostics (Apocrypha of John; Apocalypse of Paul). Even today, catastrophic times continue to revive the apocalyptic spirit among some Christians (and some Jews), who come to believe that times are so bad that God must soon intervene.

   Although, as we have just seen, a lineage can be traced from prophetic to apocalyptic writing, some of the major pre-Christian Jewish apocalypses were written at a time when prophecy was no longer flourishing - a time when wisdom literature was more abundant and Israel had come into contact with Greco-Roman civilization. This situation sheds light on two aspects of apocalyptic.

   1. First, some have claimed that apocalyptic has replaced prophecy. This is not true: There are works that mix elements of both genres, and this is certainly the case with Revelation. Although the seer of the Apocalypse calls his work apokalypsis, he speaks of it six times as a prophecy, specifically at the beginning and at the end (1:3; 22:19). Indeed, the letters to the churches (1:4 - 3:22) contain elements of prophetic warning and consolation. The self-proclamation of Jesus Christ is heard in these letters; and it was one of the tasks of Christian prophets to announce to the communities the will of the exalted Christ.

   2. Second, there are certain similarities between the streams of apocalyptic and Wisdom literature. For a deterministic view of history (presented in the form of numerical models) and a demonstration of scholarship sometimes mark both traditions. In 1 Enoch 28-32 ; 41 ; 69, for example, there are detailed descriptions of various kinds of trees, an interest in astronomical secrets and an appreciation of knowledge in general. Wisdom literature existed in other countries, and parts of the Hebrew wisdom literature drew on foreign sources. Similarly, not only ancient Semitic creation myths but also Greco-Roman myths about the gods left their mark on apocalyptic imagery, especially in descriptions of beasts and the war between good and evil. The cult of the goddess Roma, queen of heaven, may have been combined with the female figure of Zion from the OT to shape the imagery of the mother of the Messiah in Rev 12.

   Finally, we need to be aware that the figurative language of apocalypse raises hermeneutical questions. Often, we can detect a historical referent in the description, for example, that one of the grotesque beasts in Dan or Rev refers to a specific world power (the Syrian Seleucid kingdom, Rome). Yet symbols are sometimes versatile, e.g., the woman in Rev 12 can symbolize Israel giving birth to the Messiah as well as the church and its children in the wilderness under Satan's attack after the Messiah is taken up to heaven. (She could also be the same as the Lamb's bride, the New Jerusalem, who descends from heaven in 21:2, but there is less agreement on this point.) Beyond the question of authorial intent, the symbolism of the apocalypse requires imaginative participation on the part of the hearers/readers. It finds its full meaning when it evokes emotions and feelings that cannot be conceptualized. Therefore, identifying first-century referents in a purely descriptive way does not do justice to the persuasive power of Revelation. Apocalypticists of a later period are wrong to think that various elements of biblical apocalypticism represent the exact foreknowledge of events that will occur 1,000 to 2,000 years later; but those involved in these movements understand the power of this literature better than do dispassionate exegetical inquiries that are satisfied with historical identifications.

2. General Analysis of the Message
   1. Prologue: 1:1-3

      The book is announced as the "revelation of Jesus Christ," that is, the revelation given by Christ about the divine meaning of the author's time and about how God's people will soon be delivered. This revelation is delivered by an angel to a seer named John who, as we will discover in v. 9, is on the small island of Patmos in the Aegean Sea, some 60 miles southwest of Ephesus. The location of the island may have affected some of the imagery in the book, for example the beast rising from the sea. The blessing in v. 3, the first of seven in Revelation, indicates that this prophetic message is intended to be read aloud and heard, probably at liturgies in the churches concerned.

   2. Letters to the Seven Churches: 1:4 - 3:22
      1. Opening Formula with attached praise, promise, and divine response (1:4-8)

         This opening formula suggests that the seven letters to come are part of one great letter. The basic elements attested to in the NT opening formulas (Paul, 1 Pet) are present here; but the triadic motifs of the opening are formulated in the symbolic style that pervades this book. In a description that proceeds from a reflection on Exodus 3:14, God is the one who is, who was, and who is coming. Similarly, three sentences describe Jesus in terms of his passion and death (faithful witness), his resurrection (firstborn from the dead), and his exaltation (ruler of earthly kings). The "seven spirits" of Rev 1:4 are obscure; see also the seven spirits of God (3:1; 4:5; 5:6). The image may refer to the Holy Spirit, for this figure should be included in the normal triadic grace with the Father and the Son (2 Cor 13:13 [14]; 1 Pet 1:2; 2 Thess 2:13-14).

         The language of baptism can be echoed in Christ's doxology in 1:5b-6, since what has been accomplished by his blood and the resulting dignity of Christians in terms of kingdom and priesthood, echoing Exodus 19:6, are themes found in 1 Pet 1:2,19; 2:9. It reminds the recipients of their identity; and Rev 1:7 is an echo of the OT (Dan 7:13; Zech 12:10), assuring them that Christ will come in judgment on all enemies. To the seer who ends his praise and promise with a prayerful "Amen," the Lord God affirms in 1:8 the triadic designation of 1:4 (who is, was, and is to come), prefacing it with "I am the Alpha and the Omega" and concluding it with "the Almighty." The first and last letters of the Greek alphabet indicate the existence of God at the beginning and at the end; the designation Pantokratōr, "Almighty", is a favorite word in Revelation (nine times; elsewhere only 2 Cor 6:18) and was to become the norm in the Byzantine Church to represent the majestic, all-powerful, enthroned Christ.

      2. Inaugural Vision (1:9-20)

         John, speaking of the tribulation and endurance of the recipients, explains that he was on Patmos "because of the word of God." Most interpret this to mean imprisonment or exile, a context that would explain the atmosphere of persecution in Revelation. (In fact, Patmos was one of the small islands used for exile, and there was a type of banishment that could be imposed by a Roman provincial governor.) Moved by the Spirit "on the day of the Lord", he hears and "sees" a voice (as the prophets saw words: Isa 2:1; Am 1:1; etc.). The Sunday context may explain the plausible echoes of the Christian liturgy in the seer's heavenly visions. The fact that he can see a voice and that the seer's descriptions are consistently governed by "as" alerts us that we have moved beyond the confined realm of the external senses into that of spiritual experience and symbolism. The vision of Christ is resplendent with rich symbolism, much of which comes from Daniel. Christ is not only identified with "one like a son of man" (Dan 7:13), but he is also described with attributes belonging to the Ancient of Days (Dan 7:9 = God). The frame in the middle of the seven golden candlesticks (Rev 1:12) prepares the seven churches but also evokes the Temple in Jerusalem (1 Chr 28:15, according to Ex 25:3 7) where God was seen in vision by Isaiah (6). The seven stars in the right hand are a royal and imperial symbol - a preparation for the later visions of Revelation that will oppose Christ to Caesar. The imagery of this initial vision will be used to describe Christ in the letters that follow.

      3. Seven Letters (2:1-3:22)

         These letters are very important for understanding the whole book. They give us more information about a group of churches in western Asia Minor than most other NT books give about their recipients. When we come to the great visions of chapters 4 and following, we must remember that they are reported with the purpose of conveying a message to the Christians in these cities. Part of the misuse of Revelation is based on the misunderstanding that the message is primarily for Christians of our time if they can decode the author's symbols. Rather, the meaning of the symbolism must be judged from the point of view of the first-century recipients - a meaning that must be adapted if we are to see the book as meaningful for today.

         Table of the disposition of the seven letters

         Items in each Letter	Ephesus (2:1-7)	Smyrna (2:8-11)	Pergamum (2:12-17)
         Titles or description of the speaker (Christ):	The One holding the seven stars in right hand and walking among the seven golden lampstands	The First and the Last who died and came to life	The One having the two-edged sword
         Status of the church: GOOD THINGS acknowledged by speaker ***** Status of the church: BAD THINGS speaker has against them	I know your deeds, labor, endurance; not tolerant for wicked; you tested would-be apostles, finding them false; you endure patiently for my name's sake; not weary ***** Have abandoned first love	I know your tribulation: rich despite poverty; blasphemed by those calling themselves Jews who are only a synagogue of Satan ***** NOTHING BAD SAID	I know you dwell where Satan's throne is; you hold fast my name; did not deny faith in me: Antipas my faithful witness was killed among you where Satan lives ***** Some hold teachings of Balaam who seduced Israel to idol food and immorality; some hold teaching of Nicolaitans
         Admonitions; encouragements:	Remember whence you have fallen; repent and do the former works: if not, I will come to remove your lampstand from its place; you hate the works of the Nicolaitans which I hate	Do not fear what you are about to suffer; the devil will throw some in prison to test you, and you will have tribulation ten days; be faithful unto death, and I will give you the crown of life	Repent; if not, I will come soon and war against them with the sword of my mouth
         Promise to whoever has ears to hear what the Spirit says to the churches:	To the victor I will give to eat from the tree of life which is in the paradise (-garden) of God	The victor will not be harmed by the second death	To the victor I will give the hidden manna and a white stone inscribed with a new name that no one knows except the recipient

         Thyatira (2:18-29)	Sardis (3:1-6)	Philadelphia (3:7-13)	Laodicea (3:14-21)
         The Son of God, having eyes like a blazing fire and feet like burnished bronze	The One having the seven spirits of God and the seven stars	The Holy and True One having the key of David; opens - none can shut; shuts - none can open	The Amen, faithful and true Witness; the Arche (ruler or beginning) of God's creation
         I know your deeds, love, faith, service, endurance; your latter deeds exceed former ***** You tolerate the woman Jezebel a "prophetess" whose teaching seduces to immorality and idol food; I gave her time but she refuses to repent	NOTHING GOOD SAID ***** I know your deeds; you have the name of being alive but are dead	I know your deeds; I have opened before you a door that can't be shut; you have little power but have kept my word and not denied my name ***** NOTHING BAD SAID	NOTHING GOOD SAID ***** I know your deeds; you are neither cold nor hot, but lukewarm; am about to spit you out of my mouth. You claim to be rich, affluent, not needy; you do not know that you are wretched, pitiable, poor, blind and naked
         I will throw her into sickbed, and into great affliction those who commit adultery with her, unless they repent their works; I will put her children to death. All the churches will know I am the searcher of minds and hearts; I will give to each of you according to your works. But I lay no burden on the rest of you who do not hold this teaching, who have not known the deep things of Satan; but hold fast what you have till I come.	Awake; strengthen what remains and is about to die; I have not found your works complete before my God. Remember and keep what you received and heard; repent; if you are not awake, I shall come as a thief at an hour you know not. But you have a few names who have not soiled their garments; they shall walk with me in white for they are worthy	I will make synagogue of Satan (not really Jews; they lie) come and bow before your feet. Because you kept my word of endurance, I will keep you from the hour of trial about to come on the whole world, to test those dwelling on earth. I come soon; keep what you have so that no one can take your crown	I advise you to buy from me gold refined by fire in order to be rich, and white garments to be clothed in lest your naked shame be shown, and eyesalve in order to see. Those whom I love I reprove and chastise, so be zealous and repent. Behold I stand at the door and knock; if anyone hears my voice and opens the door I will enter and we will eat together
         To the victor who keeps my works to the end I will give power over the nations to rule them with a rod of iron as when earthen vessels are broken, even as I have received it from my Father; I will also give the morning star	Thus the victor will he clad in white garments; and I shall not erase his/her name from the book of life but confess it before my Father and before His angels	I will make the victor a pillar in the temple of my God, never to leave it; I will write on him/her the name of my God and of His city (the new Jerusalem descending from heaven, from my God), and my own new name	To the victor I will grant to sit with me on my throne, as I was victorious and sat with my Father on His throne

         This chart shows the arrangement of the letters, remarkably parallel in some respects, but strikingly different in others. For example, with respect to the judgment rendered by the Son of Man who dictates the letters, nothing bad is said of Smyrna and Philadelphia; nothing good is said of Sardis and Laodicea. Before we get into the details of the letters, let's make a general assessment of the message. The seven churches face three types of problems: false teaching (Ephesus, Pergamum, Thyatira), persecution (Smyrna, Philadelphia) and complacency (Sardis, Laodicea). Most modern readers who know something about the Apostle think that persecution is the only subject addressed and therefore reinterpret the book in the light of threatening situations today. The fight against complacency is perhaps much more applicable to modern Christianity. The false teaching is very much conditioned by the first century in some ways (eating meat offered to idols), yet the underlying issue of Christians unprincipledly conforming to the surrounding society remains a very current problem.

         The longest letter is addressed to Thyatira which, ironically, is the least known city; the shortest is addressed to Smyrna, a very famous city. References to the OT are abundant in most letters, but relatively few in those addressed to Sardis and Laodicea. The cities, all of which are in the western part of Asia Minor, are listed in an order that suggests a circular route for the letter bearer, starting in Ephesus, going north through Smyrna to Pergamum, then southeast, and finally (after Laodicea) presumably west, back to Ephesus. (Despite the plausibility of this proposal, it should be noted that no circular postal route has been found.) The titles or descriptions of Christ that begin the letters echo, to varying degrees, the descriptions in chap. 1.

         The details of the rest of the letters (status of the church, admonitions or encouragement, promise) reflect the geographical and commercial situation of the city concerned, for it is obvious that the seer knew the region well. For example, in 2:7, the promise to Ephesus: "I will give food from the tree of life which is in the paradise of God" may echo the fact that the great temple of Artemis, one of the seven wonders of the ancient world, was built on a shrine of primeval trees and that the temple precincts were a place of refuge. The crown or garland of life in 2:10 can be evoked by the position of Smyrna, whose beautiful buildings rise to the top of Mount Pagus. The fact that Pergamum is the site of Satan's throne may refer to the city's status as the main center of imperial worship in Asia Minor; indeed, a temple to the spirit of Rome existed there as early as 195 BC, and in recognition of Augustus, a temple to the deity of Caesar had been built there in 29 BC. (In fact, there were imperial temples in all the cities mentioned except Thyatira.) The warning to Sardis to come like a thief at an unexpected hour (3:3) may reflect the history of that city, which was twice captured by surprise; and the reference to a new name for the faithful among the Philadelphians (3:12) may echo the several times the name of the city was changed (Neocaesarea, Flavia). The warm, useless water spat out of Jesus' mouth is used to represent the Laodicean church (3:16), which contrasts with the hot spring baths of nearby Hierapolis and the cold, drinkable water of Colosse.

         Some churches are strong, others are weak, but whether it is a recommendation or a rebuke, the author frequently uses designations that are not clear to us. We do not know the views of the Nicolaitans in Ephesus and Pergamum (2:6,15). Are they Christians with libertine moral practices? Are they Gnostics? It is not clear whether the proponents of Balaam's teachings in Pergamum (2:14) are the same, in whole or in part, as the Nicolaitans; their attitudes seem to be responsible for the seductive promotion of idolatry and fornication, perhaps with the claim that anything goes. We do not know whether the "Jezebel" of Thyatira (2:20-21) is a pagan figure (a sibyl) or a woman of the Christian community. The designation of those in Smyrna and Philadelphia who "call themselves Jews" but are in fact a synagogue of Satan (2:9; 3:9) may reflect a practice whereby those who believe in Christ, rather than calling themselves "Israel," speak of themselves as true Jews. The overriding message that runs through the seven letters and corresponds to the theme of the rest of the book is to stand firm and make no concessions to what the author refers to as evil. The optimistic promises made to the overcomer in each letter correspond to the goal of encouragement that is characteristic of apocalyptic.

   3. Part I of the Revelatory Experience: 4:1 - 11:19

      It is very difficult to diagnose the author's overall organizational plan in the body of Revelation, once we get past the letters to the churches. Yet many scholars detect two major subdivisions, one beginning with the open door in heaven seen in 4:1, the other, after the open heavens in 11:19, beginning with the great sign seen there in 12:1. It will be helpful to review the plan at the beginning of this chapter to see the parallelism between the two. This first part opens with chapters 4 and 5, which describe the heavenly court centered on God and the Lamb; in this vision there is mention of a scroll with seven seals. From 6:1, the Lamb opens the seals, the seventh of which (8:1) presents the visionary with seven angels with seven trumpets, which begin to be sounded in 8:6.

      1. Visions of the Heavenly Court: The One Enthroned and the Lamb (4:1 - 5:14)

         We have just recognized that the seer knows the local situation in Asia Minor; at the same time, he sees what is happening in heaven, as part of his understanding that "what is to come after this" intertwines earth and heaven. Drawing on Ezekiel 1:26-28, precious stones, not anthropomorphic features, are used to describe the Lord God seated on the heavenly throne; and the lightning bolts and four living creatures echo the cherubic vision of Ezekiel 1:4-13; 10:18-22. The twenty-four elders / presbyters, however, seem to have a different origin. The number twenty-four, which is used nowhere else in apocalyptic literature, could correspond to two groups of twelve, representing the old and the new Israel. The hymn of worship to the enthroned God by the living creatures and the elders / presbyters reproduces the threefold "Holy" of the seraphim in Is 6:3 and focuses on creation.

         The corresponding vision in Revelation 5 focuses on the Lamb, presented by the ability of this personalized animal to open the scroll with the seven seals that is written on both sides. The Lamb, standing as if slain, is identified as the Lion of the tribe of Judah, the root of David, who has conquered. (Clearly the paradoxical symbolism here goes beyond descriptive logic.) The hymn sung to Jesus, the victorious Davidic Messiah, includes a refrain about being "worthy," similar to the hymn to God in the previous chapter. Thus, God and the Lamb are placed on virtually the same plane, one being hailed as the creator and the other as the redeemer.

      2. Seven Seals (6:1 - 8:1)

         The first four seals opened by the Lamb (6:1-8) are the four different colored horses, white, red, black and pale green respectively, ridden by the famous four horsemen of Revelation, representing conquest, bloody strife, famine and plague respectively. The imagery of the colored horse is derived from Zech 1:8-11; 6:1-7; and the description of the horsemen and the selection of disasters as part of God's eschatological judgment may have been shaped by contemporary circumstances, for example, the Parthian attacks on the Romans. The fifth seal (6:9-11) represents the souls of the martyrs (killed in the Neronian persecution in the 60s?) under the heavenly altar, which is the counterpart of the altar of burnt offering in the Jerusalem temple (see 11:1). They claim God's punitive justice on those who shed blood, but the judgment is delayed a little more until the predetermined number of martyrs is reached. The sixth seal (6:12-17) describes cosmic disturbances that are part of God's punishment. They are not to be taken literally (as some people do who constantly seek to identify them with events of our time), for they are the traditional imagery repeated over and over again in the apocalypse. Not even the great ones of the earth will escape the wrath of the Lamb.

         Before describing the seventh seal (8:1ff.), the seer recounts a vision in chapter 7 in which the angels, who hold back the four winds (cf. 1 Enoch 76), are told not to do any harm until the servants of God have received a seal on their foreheads to indicate that they belong to God. It is not clear why the vision distinguishes between the symbolic number of 144,000 Christians (12,000 from each tribe) and the countless multitude from every nation, tribe, people and language whose white garments have been washed in the blood of the Lamb. The first group, the spotless who are firstfruits by martyrdom or continence [see Rev 14:1-5], is somehow more selective; but it is hardly a Jewish Christian distinguished from a Gentile Christian, or an Old Testament saint distinguished from a Christ follower. An interesting suggestion is that the two descriptions offer different perspectives of the church: the church is the heir and continuation of Israel (144,000 of the twelve tribes) and yet it extends to the whole world (multitude of all nations, etc.). Or, since the 144,000 are on earth, waiting to receive the seal, and the multitude is in heaven, standing before the Lamb, the descriptions could describe a church that is both earthly and heavenly, both militant and triumphant. The peace that comes from being in God's presence is beautifully described in 7:16-17: no more hunger or thirst, no more burning or scorching heat, as the Lamb who feeds them leads them to springs of living water.

      3. Seven Trumpets (8:2 - 11:19)

         The opening of the seventh seal in 8:1 is an apotheosis since, logically, the scroll can now be read and the judgment of the world should be revealed; but as in a Chinese puzzle, another seven (seven angels with seven trumpets) is now revealed. The half-hour silence that begins the vision creates a contrast with the trumpet blasts that follow. In 8:3-5, the context becomes more liturgical and dramatic: incense is mixed with the prayers of the saints, and it is accompanied by thunder, lightning and an earthquake. The seven trumpets are divided as were the seven seals, with an initial group of four (hail, sea turned to blood, star called "wormwood," darkening of the heavenly bodies); but the context is now the plagues of the exodus. Just as these plagues prepared for the deliverance of God's people from Egypt, these plagues prepare for the deliverance of God's people (those who received the seal; see 7:3) in the last days. The fact that only a third is affected indicates that it is not the whole of God's judgment (cf. Ezek 5:2). These are eschatological symbols, and there is no need to identify them specifically with disasters that occur in our time.

         In Rev 4:8, the four living creatures sing a triple "Holy" to honor the Lord God seated on the throne; in contrast, in 8:13, an eagle utters a triple cry of woe, anticipating the last three trumpet blasts of judgment. The vision of the fifth trumpet (9:1-11) concerns locusts that look like battle horses emerging from the abyss; it combines the eighth Egyptian plague (Exodus 10:1-20) with Joel 1-2, and (with the next woe) may also be colored by the Parthian invasions of the Empire from the East. The demonic is now unleashed, as the name of the locust king indicates: "Destruction" in Hebrew and Greek (9:11). This is the first of the three woes.

         The sixth trumpet (9:13-21) sees the angels releasing a huge cavalry from beyond the Euphrates, which was waiting for the right moment. Despite these horrible and diabolical punishments, the rest of humanity refuses to believe. As after the sixth seal, after the sixth trumpet, the sequence is interrupted to relate intermediate visions in preparation for the seventh in the series, a trumpet that will not be sounded until 11:15. In 4:1, the seer has been taken up to heaven through an open door; but in 10:1-2, he is back on Patmos when the mighty angel descends from heaven with the little scroll. This angel is described in the guise of God, the transfigured Jesus (Mt 17:2), and the initial vision of the Son of Man in Revelation (1:12-16). The appearance of the angel is accompanied by the seven thunders (10:4), which, curiously, the seer is forbidden to write about. (Is it because their content is too horrible, or is it simply a mystification? This huge angel crossing land and sea warns us that when the seventh trumpet sounds, the mysterious plan of God promised by the prophets (Amos 3:7) will be fulfilled. The instruction to the seer to eat the small scroll, which is sweet in the mouth but bitter in the stomach, echoes the prophetic inauguration of Ezekiel (2:8 - 3:3). Different from the large scroll of 5:1,28, it contains the pleasant news of the victory of the faithful and the bitter news of the painful disaster that is coming upon the world and that the seer must prophesy.

         The apocalyptic imagery of the visionary experience recounted in chapter 11 may also reflect contemporary history. From the context provided by the layout of the Jerusalem temple, a distinction is made between the temple sanctuary area (naos) belonging to God and the outer court of the sanctuary. Taking the measure of the sanctuary of God and those who worship there (11:1-2) is a sign of protection. This area may represent the heavenly or spiritual temple and/or the Christian community protected in the midst of destruction. On the other hand, the outer court, left to the trampling of the pagans, may represent the earthly temple of Jerusalem destroyed by the Romans in 70 AD (see Lk 21:24) and/or a Judaism no longer protected by God. Does the same period of time shed light on the two prophetic witnesses, the two olive trees and the two candlesticks (11:3-4) who will preach with miraculous power until they are killed by the beast from the pit in the great city where the Lord was killed? The 1260 days (12:6) of their prophecy are equivalent to the forty-two months during which the Gentiles trod the Temple court and the three and a half times or years of 12:14; Lk 4:25; Jas 5:17. (These various ways of calculating half of seven are related to Dan 7:25; 9:27; 12:7 as the time when the wicked Antiochus Epiphanes was unleashed to persecute the Jewish believers.) Is the seer talking about purely eschatological figures, or are there two historical martyrs who contributed to the picture during the Roman destruction of Jerusalem? Old Testament accounts of Zerubbabel and the high priest Joshua (Zech 4:1-14), as well as Moses and Elijah, provide some of the imagery, but this does not preclude references to contemporary figures. Jerusalem is targeted, but the agents appear to be Gentiles, not Jews, because they refuse to bury the bodies in a tomb (Rev 11:9). Since 14:8; 16:19; etc. use "the great city" for Rome, is there a double meaning, and are we thinking of the martyrdom of Peter and Paul in Rome in the 60s? In any case, the two characters are made victorious by being taken up to heaven, and an earthquake ravages the city. This is the second of the three woes (11: 14).

         The seventh trumpet is finally sounded in 11:15-19, signaling that the kingdom of the world has become the kingdom of our Lord and of his Christ, a proclamation to which a hymn of the twenty-four elders / presbyters responds. This might make us think that the end of the world has come. But there is much more to follow, for the opening of God's temple in heaven to show the ark of the covenant (11:19) introduces the second part, just as the heavenly door opened in 4:1 introduced the first part.

   4. Part II of the Revelatory Experience: 12:1 - 22:5

      Just as Part I began with two chapters of opening visions, Part II begins with three chapters of opening visions. They introduce characters, the dragon and the two beasts, who will occupy an important place in the rest of the book. Indeed, these chapters have been considered the heart of the book of Revelation.

      1. Visions of the Dragon, the Beasts, and the Lamb (12:1 - 14:20)

         Certainly some of the imagery of Gen 3:15-16 and the struggle between the serpent and the woman and her offspring are part of the background of chap 12 (see 12:9). The woman clothed in the sun, with the moon under her feet and on her head the crown of twelve stars, represents Israel, echoing Joseph's dream in Gen 37:9 where these symbols represent his father (Jacob/Israel), his mother and his brothers (Jacob's sons who were considered the ancestors of the twelve tribes). There is also the mythical imagery of the sea serpent, which is found in biblical poetry as Leviathan or Rahab (Is 27:1; 51:9; Ps 74:14; 89:11; Job 26:12-13; etc.) and even outside Israel. There would also have been a myth centered on an island near Patmos, namely Delos, the birthplace of Apollo, son of the God Zeus and slayer of the dragon of Delphi. This victory of light and life over darkness and death was appropriated by the Roman emperors as propaganda for the golden age they were ushering in, and both Augustus and Nero presented themselves as Apollo. Does the book of Revelation use the imagery of the myth to reverse the propaganda: instead of slaying the dragon, the emperor is the dragon's tool?

         The metaphor of the birth of God's people is an Old Testament theme (Isa 26:17; 66:7-8), and Zion gives birth to an individual child in 4 Ezra 9:43-46; 10:40-49. In Revelation, the woman gives birth to her child, the Messiah (Ps 2:9), in pain; this is an example of the Jewish expectation of the birth pangs of the Messiah, i.e., the misery of the world situation that becomes a signal for the coming of the deliverance sent by God (Mic 4:9-10). The dragon (the ancient serpent, Satan) tries to devour the child, who escapes by being taken to God. A war in heaven ensues, and the dragon is cast down to earth where, in anger at the woman, he makes war on her offspring (12:6,13,17). This is not the physical birth of Jesus or Jesus as an infant (and then a leap to his ascension to God), but the "birth" of Jesus as the Messiah through his death. The symbolism of birth through death is found in Jn 16:20-22: the night before his death, Jesus says that the sadness of the disciples is like that of a woman about to give birth to a child; but this sadness will be forgotten and replaced by joy when the child is born, that is, when Jesus returns from the dead. With regard to satanic opposition, John 12:31; 14:30; 16:11 depicts Jesus' passion and death as a struggle with the Prince of this world, who is cast out even as Jesus returns to his Father. The ensuing struggle, described in Revelation, between the dragon and the woman (now the Church) and her children in the wilderness, lasts 1,260 days and three and a half times, the time of persecution that will lead to the end of time; but she is protected by God (with eagle's wings; cf. Ex 19:4). Taking his stand on the sands of the sea (Rev 12:18 [17]), the dragon employs in his campaign on earth two great beasts, one from the sea, the other from the earth.

         The first beast rises from the sea (13:1-10) with ten horns and seven heads. Daniel 7 had illustrated the use of four chimerical beasts to represent world empires, with the ten horns of the fourth beast representing rulers. Accordingly, the beast of Revelation combines elements of Daniel's four beasts to symbolize the fact that the Roman Empire (which came to the cities spoken of in Revelation from the west, across the sea) is as evil as all the others combined. The seven heads are explained in 17:9-11 as the seven hills (of Rome) and also as the seven kings, of whom five have fallen, the sixth is, and the seventh is yet to come for a little while; then this passage adds an eighth who is going to perdition. Domitian is probably to be counted as the eighth, the last known to the author if he wrote during the reign of Domitian. The statement that one of the heads appeared to have a fatal wound but was healed may represent a legend of Nero coming back to life. In the imagery of Revelation, in addition to making war on the saints (13:7), the Empire had caused people to worship the devil (13:4), and thus to be excluded from the book of life (13:8).

         The second beast, the one from the earth (13:11-18), is a diabolical parody of Christ. It has two horns like a lamb, but speaks like a dragon; later, it is associated with a false prophet (16:13; 19:20; 20:10); it performs signs and wonders, like those of Elijah; it makes people mark their right hand or forehead, as the servants of God are marked on their forehead (7:3; 14:1). The beast described as rising from the earth, that is, from the land mass of Asia Minor, is the cult of the emperor (and the pagan priesthood that promotes it), which began very early in this region. The sword wound of the beast (13:14) may represent Nero's suicide; the survival, Domitian's reign. The description in 13:18 ends with perhaps the most famous image in Revelation: the number of the beast, a human number that must be interpreted, is 666. By gematria (where letters also serve as numbers, as in Latin), the Hebrew consonants transliterating the Greek form of Nero Caesar's name make a total of 666.

         The Lamb and the 144,000 symbolically numbered men (14:1-5) are a comforting image, intended to reassure Christians that they can survive the onslaught of the dragon and the two beasts. (The image of harp music enters into many popular and even humorous images of heaven). The language of chastity certainly means that they have not given in to idolatry, but may also be an allusion to sexual continence (1 Cor 7:7-8).

         Three angels (14:6-13) proclaim solemn warnings: an eternal gospel to the whole world, emphasizing the need to glorify God because the hour of judgment has come; a woe to Babylon (Rome); and a stern warning that those who have worshipped the beast and bear its mark will suffer hellfire. A voice from heaven blesses those who die in the Lord. Then (14:14-20) the Son of Man, with a sickle in his hand, and other angels execute a bloody judgment, throwing the vintage of the earth into the winepress of God's wrath.

      2. Seven Plagues and Seven Bowls (15:1 - 16:21)

         Comparable to the seven seals and trumpets of the first part of Revelation, we now hear of seven plagues and seven bowls which contain them and which announce the final judgment. But before they are poured out, chapter 15 offers us a scene in the heavenly court where the Song of Moses is sung, echoing the victory of the Hebrews at the crossing of the Reed Sea (cf. Ex 15:1-18). In the midst of clouds of incense, the temple / heavenly tabernacle provides the angels with the contents of the bowls. Once again, the plagues that preceded the exodus of the Hebrews from Egypt (Exodus 7-10) are used as a backdrop, although this time their effect is no longer limited to a third of the world as was the case with the seals. The frogs that come out of the mouth of the false prophet are three demonic spirits that perform signs like the magicians of Egypt. A famous image is provided by Rev 16:16: Armageddon (the Greek transliteration of the Hebrew Har Mĕgiddô, the Mount of Megiddo, i.e., the pass through the plain of Esdraelon in Israel where armies from the North and the South often clashed), as the place of the final battle with the forces of evil. The seventh bowl (16:17-21) marks the culmination of God's action; its contents shatter Rome into pieces as a voice proclaims, "It is done!"

      3. Judgment of Babylon, the Great Harlot (17:1 - 19:10)

         This fall of Rome is now described in great detail, following the OT convention of depicting cities marked by idolatry or impiety (Tyre, Babylon, Nineveh) as harlots, adorned with the riches of commerce, and those who accept their authority as fornicators who will lament the fall of the city (Isa 23; 47; Nah 3; Jer 50-51; Ezek 16; 23; 26-27). In 17:7, the angel explains the mysterious significance of the harlot and the beast of the sea she rides, but we must speculate on the symbolism of the numbers. The condemnation of Babylon / Rome, drunk with the blood of the martyrs (especially under Nero), is dramatically announced in chap. 18 by angels in a great lament. Just as ancient Babylon was to be symbolically cast into the Euphrates (Jer 51:63-64), so Babylon / Rome is to be cast into the sea (Rev 18:21). The lamentations on earth are opposed by a chorus of joy in heaven (19:1-10). In this joy, we hear about the wedding of the Lamb and his bride (19:7-9), which anticipates the final vision of the book. The theme of the wedding of God and God's people comes from the OT (Hos 2:1-25 [23]; Isa 54:4-8; Ezek 16 - sometimes in contexts of infidelity). This theme has been moved to Christ and the believers (Jn 3:29; 2 Cor 11:2; Eph 5:23-32).

      4. Victory of Christ and the End of History (19:11 - 22:5)

         Reusing elements from previous visions, the seer describes Christ as a great warrior at the head of the armies of heaven, as King of kings and Lord of lords (19:16; 1 Tim 6:15). The scavenging birds are summoned to eat the defeated armies that followed the two beasts, both of which are thrown into the lake of fire symbolizing eternal damnation. Chapter 20 describes the millennial reign of Christ, which has given rise to many theological disputes in the history of Christianity. Of the triad of beasts, only the satanic dragon remains, who is locked up in a pit for a thousand years, while Christ and the Christian martyrs reign on earth. The saints who died once will live forever as priests of God and Christ, for the second death (the final destruction) has no power over them (20:6). After the thousand years, Satan is released to gather Gog and Magog (in Ezekiel 38-39 the phrase "Gog of Magog," i.e., the land of Gog, refers to the forces against Israel; the name is probably derived from Gyges, king of Lydia in the 7th century BC. The fact that this single person in Ezekiel becomes two persons in the book of Revelation illustrates the plasticity of images in apocalyptic), all the nations of the earth; but fire will come down from heaven and consume them, while the dragon will now be thrown into the lake of fire where the beasts were thrown. As both death and hell give up their dead, the dead are judged before the throne of God according to what is written in the book of life; and the second death takes place (20:11-15).

         To replace the devastation of the first heaven and earth, there is a new heaven and earth, and a new Jerusalem coming down from heaven (21:1 - 22:5), like a bride adorned for her husband (see 19:9): no more tears, no more death, no more pain, no more night; a city beautiful as a precious jewel, built on foundation walls bearing the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb; a city of perfect cubic shape, huge enough to contain all the saints. In this city there is neither temple, nor sun, nor moon, for the Lord God and the Lamb are present as his light; and nothing impure is found within its perimeter. As in the Paradise of old, a river of the water of life flows through the city, watering the tree of life; and the saints will live there forever.

   5. Epilogue (with Concluding Blessing): 22:6-21

      John the seer and the words of prophecy are highlighted, as they were in the Prologue (1:1-3). He is asked not to seal the words, for the time is near. As in the inaugural vision before the Seven Letters (1:9-20), the Lord God, speaking as Alpha and Omega, gives authority to the words of warning and invitation heard by the seer. The audience is advised not to add or subtract prophetic words from the book. In response to Jesus' affirmation that he is coming soon, John the seer says with an impassioned tone, "Amen. Come, Lord Jesus," an echo of one of the oldest prayers used by Christians (1 Cor 16:22). Having begun as a letter, Revelation ends in the same way (22:21) with a very simple final blessing on "all the saints," that is, those who have not given in to Satan or the beasts.

3. Structure of the Book

   One commentator has noted that almost all interpreters bring to the study of the structure of Revelation a set of presuppositions that find expression in the ultimate scheme proposed for the book, so that there are almost as many schemes as there are interpreters. Scholars discern structure in two ways: on the basis of external factors or internal content. External factors involve a judgment about what most shaped the book, such as Christian liturgy, Greek drama, imperial games, or the fixed apocalyptic patterns visible in other apocalypses, Jewish and Christian. It is obvious that the book of Revelation shares certain elements with these external factors, but it is questionable whether any of them dominated the author's mind to the point of structuring his book. As for the fixed pattern that can be discerned in other apocalypses, as has already been pointed out, the combination of prophecy and apocalypse has unique characteristics in Revelation. While it seems reasonable to let the internal content speak for itself, it is not so simple in Revelation. Apocalypses introduce readers into God's mysterious plans, revealing some of what is hidden from normal vision. There is thus inevitably an atmosphere of mystery and concealment in their own proceedings. Almost by design, the authors proceed in ways that defy human logic. For example, it seems illogical that after explaining six of the seven seals and trumpets, the seer of Revelation goes off on a tangent before explaining the seventh, and in the case of the seals, that the seventh begins another seven. It is also not uncommon for a formula, after being repeated several times, to be suddenly changed, without any intention of changing the meaning or giving a different direction. Thus, in this literary genre, the structure is often quite difficult to diagnose from the content.

   As an example, consider the organizing principle of seven: between the Prologue and the Epilogue, there are six sets of seven that fit together: epistolary messages (1:9 - 3:22), seals (4:1 - 8:5), trumpets (8:2 - 11:19), unnumbered visions (12:1 - 15:4), bowls (15:1 - 16:21), unnumbered visions (19:11 - 21:8). As mentioned, consistency is not always characteristic of apocalyptic patterns; however, if seven is the organizing pattern, one is tempted to ask why there are six sevens and not seven, why some sevens are numbered and others not, why two passages must be counted as interspersed appendices (17:1 - 19:10 and 21:9 - 22:5) because they do not fit the seven pattern, and why the unnumbered visions could not be considered appendices.

   There seems to be a certain amount of repetition in Revelation, for on several occasions one has the impression that the end has come (11:15-19; 16:17-21), only to have other visions. This may simply be part of the literary form, as a way to express the inexpressible. Part 2 in relation to part 1 seems repetitive. Scholars have explained this in various ways:

   1. Some claim that the two parts deal with the same subject from different points of view, i.e., part 1 deals with God's judgment on the whole world, while part 2 deals with this subject from the point of view of the church with emphasis on God's control over demons. A variation is that part 1 deals with the church and the Jewish world; part 2 deals with the church and the Gentiles.

   2. Others think it is a time sequence, with part 1 referring to things that have already happened and part 2 to things to come. It is true that there are some references to past events in Revelation, e.g., in 11:2, the outer court of the sanctuary {=the earthly temple in Jerusalem?) "was given" to the nations to trample on; but the author does not symbolically lay out past history in detail as do other apocalypses.

   3. Yet another approach would be to detect a spiral movement from glory in heaven to tribulation on earth and back again. The heavenly chapters would be (in whole or in part) 4-5; 7:9-17; 11:15-19; 15; 19; 21:1 - 22:5; the intermediate earthly chapters would be 6:1 - 7:8; 8:1 - 11:14; 12-14; 16-18; 20. This approach, in addition to emphasizing the heavenly and earthly dimensions of Revelation, prevents the book from being misinterpreted as a sequential future history narrative.

   In the face of such diversity of opinion, it is wise not to advocate a particular structure. The division presented here is simply a way of listing the contents and does not pretend to be the author's intended plan. Knowledge of the content is an essential aid to readers who then wish, through further reading, to pursue the question of structure.

4. The Role of Liturgy

   The visions of the seer of Revelation include simultaneously what is happening in heaven and on earth. The vision of heaven is part of a liturgical context. The one who, like a Son of Man, speaks to John and gives a message to the angels of the seven churches stands in the midst of seven golden candlesticks (1:12-13). The worship of God and the Lamb dominates what is happening in heaven. In chapter 4, under the appearance of precious stones, God is seated on a throne, accompanied by twenty-four elders / presidents on their thrones. A menorah of seven torches burns before the throne. Like the seraphim of Isaiah 6, the four living creatures who are cherubim sing a trisagion (the hymn with the triple "Holy"); and all join in a hymn "Thou art worthy" praising the Creator God. In chap. 5, as the Lamb stands in this setting and receives a scroll, a new hymn "Thou art worthy" is sung in praise of Jesus for redeeming people from all walks of life, until all creatures in heaven, on earth, and under the earth unite in bliss for Him who is on the throne and for the Lamb. Other hymns are scattered throughout the book, as well as harp music (14:2). In 11:19, we are told of God's temple in heaven that opens to show the ark of the covenant; and from this temple, amidst the smoke of God's glory, angels come out carrying bowls (presumably filled with burning coals) that will be poured out on the earth (15:5-8). Revelation ends (22:20) with an echo of the traditional Christian prayer: "Amen, come. Lord Jesus."

   Much of the liturgical imagery is modeled on the Temple in Jerusalem, the place of God's glory on earth with its altar, hymns, candlesticks and incense. The many references to Christians as priests of God, apparently both now and in the eschatological future, also come from this setting. Various suggestions have been made: some suggest that Revelation is based on images used in various Jewish feasts; others suggest that the seer envisions an ideal Feast of Tabernacles in the heavenly Jerusalem, based on Zech 14:1-21.

   A major question is whether Christian liturgy also shaped the author's imagery. The frequency of white garments (3:5, 18; 4:4; etc.) has suggested to some scholars a context in which the newly baptized donned white garments. Specifically, because of the strong emphasis on the Lamb, we would have an Easter liturgy in which people were baptized. Since the seer receives his vision on the Lord's Day (1:10), the weekly gathering of Christians for worship is a possibility. This could be the context in which Revelation would have been read aloud and heard (1:3; 22:18). Some would find a reference to the Eucharistic meal in "the marriage supper of the Lamb" (19:9). Most of the data on the worship / festivals of the early Christians come from documents (Ignatius, Justin, Hippolytus) that are dated after the period of Revelation. We can list parallels to Revelation as possible evidence of the liturgical atmosphere that influenced the seer, but it is also possible that Revelation influenced these later witnesses. Around the year 110, Ignatius (Magnesians 6, 1; also Trallians 3, 1) describes the bishop as having the first seat among the elders / presbyters, like God and the assembly of the apostles. Did this shape John's vision of the heavenly assembly with God on the throne and the twenty-four elders / presbyters around God? 1 Clement 34:6-7 describes the singing of the trisagion by the heavenly myriads (as the seraphim do in Rev 4:8), and then exhorts the Christians, gathered with one accord, to cry out with one voice to God. In considering the frequency of hymns in Revelation, we must remember the common view that the book of Revelation was written in western Asia Minor in the late 90s. In his survey of Christians in a neighboring region of Asia Minor ten or fifteen years later, Pliny the Younger (Epistles 10, 96.7) reports that they sang hymns to Christ as to a god. Around the year 150, drawing on a liturgy that must have been in place for some time, Justin (Apology 1, 67) describes a weekly meeting on the Lord's Day at which the Gospels and the writings of the prophets were read. Did this practice influence John's vision of the unsealed scroll during the heavenly liturgy? According to Justin's Dialogue 41, the purpose of Eucharistic commemoration among Christians was to thank God for creating the world and delivering us from evil - the themes of the "worthy" hymns of Rev 4 and 5. From all of this, it can be said that in the second century, Christians not only believed that the earthly liturgy was supposed to be simultaneous with the heavenly worship, so that one participated in the other, but also that they should follow the same pattern. Given the enormous distortion of Revelation today as a detailed prediction of the future, the use of the book in the liturgical readings of the church year may be a healthy context for approximating at least one aspect of the original setting.

5. Millenarianism (The Thousand-Year Reign: 20:4-6)

   In its prediction, Revelation states that in the end, those who were beheaded for their testimony to Jesus and for the word of God and who did not worship the beast will come back to life and reign with Christ for a thousand years, while the other dead will not come back to life until the end of the thousand years. The origin of such a belief can be found in a certain tension between prophetic and apocalyptic expectations. Looking at the history of messianism, one anticipation that survived the Babylonian exile was that one day God would restore the kingdom of David under an anointed model king, the Messiah; in fact, earlier Scriptures were reread in this light (e.g., Amos 9:11). Although idealized and presented as final, this kingdom would be earthly and historical, and its relationship to the end times was often not specified. On the other hand, in a pessimistic view of history, some apocalyptic literature depicted God's direct final intervention without any mention of the restoration of the Davidic kingdom (Isa 24-27; Daniel; Assumption of Moses; Abrahamic Apocalypse).

   One way to combine these two expectations was to postulate two divine interventions: (1) the restoration of an earthly kingdom or a period of blessed prosperity, followed by (2) God's victory and judgment at the end of time. Because of the strong influence of Greco-Roman thought, the classical expectation of a golden age may have shaped the Jewish representation of the messianic kingdom. Various numbers were used to symbolize the duration of the expected period. In a section described as an "Apocalypse of the weeks" (3rd-2nd century BC), 1 Enoch 91:12-17 proposes that, after seven of the ten weeks of years, the eighth is to be a period of righteousness; the ninth is the period marked by destruction; and in the tenth the angels are judged, leading to eternity. In 4 Esdras 7:28 (late 1st century AD), after God puts an end to an evil age, the Messiah reigns for 400 years with the righteous on the earth. Then comes the resurrection of the dead and the judgment. A similar tradition of resurrection of the souls of the righteous at the time of the appearance of the Messiah is found in 2 Baruch 29-30 (early 2nd century AD).

   In Christian apocalyptic, 1 Cor 15:23-28 proposes this sequence: first the resurrection of Christ, then of those who belong to Christ reigning until he has put all his enemies under his feet, and then the end when Christ delivers the kingdom to God destroying all "Authority, all Power, all Might." In The Ascension of Isaiah 4:14-17 from the late 1st century AD, after Beliar has reigned as antichrist for 1,332 days, the Lord will come with his angels and saints and cast Beliar into Gehenna; there will then be a period of rest for those in this world, and then they will be taken up into heaven.

   The variation in numbers in these predictions should alert us that none of the authors had exact knowledge of future times and (for the most part) probably never intended to communicate accuracy. Indeed, according to the above analysis of the expectation of a first divine intervention to establish an ideal kingdom or time in this world and a second divine intervention to replace the temporal world with the eternal, we can see both interventions simply as symbolic ways of predicting divine victory over the forces of evil that are an obstacle to God's kingdom or dominion over the whole world. The author of Revelation would therefore have used Jesus' thousand-year reign on earth, not to describe a historical kingdom, but to say that eschatological expectations will be fulfilled.

   Nevertheless, throughout Christian history, some have taken the thousand years of Revelation quite literally and speculated about them. (It is worth remembering that only one passage in Revelation, consisting of two verses, mentions the millennium; there has been an enormous, even extravagant, growth from small beginnings.) This belief was widespread in the second and third centuries among those considered orthodox (Papias, Justin, Tertullian, Hippolytus, Lactantius) and heterodox (Cerinthus and Montanus). However, the danger that expectations of abundance and happiness would become too sensual and worldly led to a gradual rejection of millenarianism (chiliasm). Origen allegorized the millennium to represent the spiritual kingdom of God on earth; Augustine understood the first resurrection to refer to conversion and death from sin, and the second resurrection to refer to the resurrection of the body at the end of time. Ecclesiastical writers of the fourth century tell us that Apollinaris of Laodicea was a chiliast (his writings on the subject have been lost), and the Ecumenical Council of Ephesus (431) condemned his fanciful theories.

   It is especially in the later Western Church that millennial hopes have been revived from time to time in various forms. The Cistercian Joachim of Flora (1130-1202), after a thousand years of Christianity, proclaimed a new age of the Spirit, represented by monasticism, which would come about 1260 and surpass the age of the Father (OT) and Son (NT). Although millennialism was rejected by the Augsburg Confession, some "left-wing" groups born of the Reformation embraced it, e.g., the Zwickau prophets, Thomas Münzer, and John of Leyden. The coming of persecuted Protestants to North America was often accompanied by the hope of establishing a religiously perfect kingdom in the New World. In the United States during the 19th century, millennialist groups proliferated, usually with one foot in Daniel and the other in Revelation, and sometimes reinforced by private revelations. These groups are exemplified by the followers of William Miller and Ellen G. White (Seventh-day Adventists), Joseph Smith (Mormons) and Charles T. Russell (Jehovah's Witnesses). In some evangelical groups, strong divisions have arisen between premillennialists and postmillennialists: the former believe that the Golden Age will come only after the destruction of the present evil age by the Second Coming; the latter, exhibiting an optimistic liberalism, believe that the present age will gradually turn into the millennium through the natural progress of society and religious reform. One form of the premillennialist movement was dispensationalism, which identified periods of time in the history of the world (for example, as illustrated in the Scofield Reference Bible), the usual thesis being that we are living in the sixth dispensation and that the seventh is about to come. The established mainline churches remain convinced that, although the final stage of God's plan is fulfilled by Jesus Christ, the thousand years are symbolic and no one knows when or how the end of the world will come. Acts 1:7 sets the tone: "It is not for you to know the times and seasons that have been fixed by the Father's own authority." As late as 1944, the Roman Catholic Church condemned even a mild form of millenarianism.

6. Authorship

   The seer of Revelation calls himself John four times. Justin Martyr (Dialogue 81, 4) identifies him as John, one of Christ's apostles. That he is an apostle is highly unlikely since he has a vision of the New Jerusalem descending from heaven with the names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb on its foundation walls (21:14), thus implicitly a group distinct from himself. Already in the third century, a careful study of language, style and thought correctly convinced Dionysius of Alexandria that Revelation was not written by the man responsible for the Gospel of John and the letters of John, whom he assumed to be John the apostle. Therefore, Dionysius attributed Revelation to John the Elder / Presbyter - a distinction that reflects Papias' reference to two Johns, John one of the Twelve and John the Presbyter (ca. 125). However, since "John" was a common name among NT Christians, the conclusion that does most justice to the data is that the seer of Revelation was an otherwise unknown John.

   What can we learn about the author from the book of Revelation itself? The Greek of the work, which is the poorest of the NT to the point of being ungrammatical, probably reflects an author whose native language was Aramaic or Hebrew. The impact of the fall of Jerusalem is important in shaping his vision, and so the thesis of some scholars that he was a Jewish-Christian apocalyptic prophet who left Palestine at the time of the Jewish revolt in the late 60s and went to Asia Minor (probably to Ephesus, from where he was exiled to Patmos) is plausible. Like an Old Testament prophet, he can speak with authority to the Christians of Asia Minor and see himself as the voice of the Spirit (see the refrain "the Spirit speaks to the churches" at the end of each of the seven letters). His apocalypse or prophecy is not a simple retelling of the OT, but an eschatological message from God that comments on the present situation.

   The question of Revelation's relationship to the Johannine tradition is complex. Certainly it should not be considered a Johannine writing in the sense that this designation applies to the gospel or letters of John, but there are interesting parallels with elements of Johannine literature, especially the gospel, that suggest a relationship, for example: Christ as the Lamb (but the vocabulary is different); Christ as the source of living water (Jn 7:37-39; Rev 22:1); Christ as the light (Jn 8:12; Rev 21:23-24); looking to Christ as the one who was pierced (Jn 19:37; Rev 1:7); the Word (of God) as the name or title for Jesus (Jn 1:1. 14; Rev 19:13); the importance of the "beginning" (Jn 1:1; 8:25; Rev 3:14; 21:6); the "I am" statements of Jesus (throughout the gospel; Rev 1:8, 17-18; 2:23; etc.); the image of the bride of Christ for the people of God (Jn 3:29; Rev 21:2,9; 22:17); the reference to the mother of Jesus and the mother of the Messiah as "woman" (Jn 2:4; 19:26; Rev 12:1,4,13; etc.); emphasis on witness (Jn 2:19-21; 4:21; Rev 21:22); hostile attitude towards "the Jews" (throughout the gospel; Rev 2:9; 3:9); major conflict with the devil/Satan (Jn 6:70; 8:44; 13:2,27; Rev 2:9,13,24; etc.). There are also parallels with the epistles of John: the theme of God as light (1 Jn 1:5; Rev 21:23; 22:5); the coming of the anti-Christ (1 Jn 2:18,22; Rev 13:11); the false prophets (1 Jn 4:1; Rev 2:20; 16:13; 19:20; 20:10); a female figure and her children represent the Church (2 Jn 1:13; Rev 12:17); and there are also evil children, of the devil or of an evil woman (1 Jn 3:10; Rev 2:20,23).

   Nevertheless, these similarities are much less than those between the Gospel and the Epistles of John. Moreover, there are many significant differences between Revelation and the Johannine works. Therefore, in the opinion of most scholars, it is not justified to speak of the author of Revelation as a member of the Johannine school who wrote the body of the Gospel, the Epistles, and proceeded to the final editing of the Gospel. To do justice to all the factors, however, one would probably have to postulate some contact between the seer and the Johannine tradition or writings. There is good reason to believe that the beginnings of the Johannine tradition took place in Palestine or a nearby region, and that the Johannine community, in whole or in part, later settled in the Ephesus area. A similar career has been proposed for the prophet / visionary of Revelation. The possibility of early or late contact is supported by theological observations. For example, there was a future eschatology (which is dominant in Revelation) at an early stage in the gospel tradition (though it has little voice in the final version of the gospel) and in the Epistles which, though written later than the gospel, appeal to the early tradition. Thus, the 50s or 60s in Palestine and/or the 80s or 90s in Ephesus are plausible times and places of contact.

7. Date and Life-Situation: Persecution under Domitian?

   Within Revelation, there are certain indications that can help us date the book. In the letters to the churches, there is no indication of a bishop with supreme authority, as is the case when Ignatius addresses some of these same churches around the year 110. While the cultic arrangement of twenty-four elders around the One seated on the throne in Rev 4:4 suggests the presence of presbyters (elders), the seer is perhaps closer to a period reflected in Titus and 1 Tim (90s) and Didache 15:1 (slightly later?) where presbyters/bishops and deacons are being installed/have been installed, but have not yet replaced the apostles and prophets. Some recipients tested the false prophets and others tolerated them (Rev 2:2,20); the latter may reflect a perspective close to that of Didache 11:7, where prophets cannot be tested.

   The symbolic elements in Revelation have more often been considered the key to dating Revelation. For example, the reference to five deceased kings (seen as Julius through Claudius, Rev's predecessor) in 17:9-10 has caused many to date the composition in whole or in part to the time of Nero (54-68 AD). However, it is more historical to date Augustus as the first emperor, and 17:11 seems to imply that an eighth king might be in power. Nero is mentioned (the number 666 in 13:18), but perhaps as dead (with a fatal head wound). Also, too many elements in Revelation seem irreconcilable with Nero's life. Many believe that Revelation involves the destruction of the earthly Temple by the Gentiles (the symbolism of the outer court in 11:2; and the use of Babylonian symbolism for Rome), emperor worship and persecution in Asia Minor; but Nero reigned before the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, refused to have a temple for his deity, and conducted no recorded persecution outside of Rome.

   As a result, the majority of scholars have long held that Revelation was written during the reign of Domitian (81-96), who ruled after the destruction of the Jerusalem temple and proclaimed himself Lord and God, and could be considered the return of Nero. In the context of this thesis, it has been taken almost for granted that an empire-wide persecution of Christians was carried out by Domitian during his last years. However, one frequently sees, again almost as a given, the refutation of the claim that there was no persecution under Domitian (81-96). Between these two points of view, is there an intermediate possibility? Let us review the evidence, since the position taken on Domitian may affect the dating of other NT works, e.g., 1 Peter, and perhaps Jude.

   Domitian's father, Vespasian (69-79), and his brother Titus (79-81) had been emperors before him, and during their reigns his ambitions were frustrated, as he hardly exercised any real power. During his own reign, he was a fairly good administrator, but less judicious and less popular than his family predecessors. Autocratic in the extreme, Domitian flaunted his authority, wearing the marks of his triumphs even in the Senate, and made his control so absolute that his consultation of the Senate was superficial. He called himself "Lord and God". The lasting effect of his reign was to bring Roman governance closer to an absolute monarchy. Although he never revoked the old privileges of the Jews, he was more rigorous than his predecessors in applying the tax on the Jews (fiscus judaicus). A revolution by Saturninus, the governor of Germania, in AD 89 exacerbated Domitian's tendency toward vengeance, and he stubbornly spotted treason. The historian Suetonius (Domitian 8, 10) describes his last years as a reign of terror; this may be an exaggeration, but the names of at least twenty opponents executed by Domitian are preserved. As part of his campaign for the purity of the official religion, Domitian attacked not only his political enemies, but also those who held a different view (philosophy). In 95, he executed his cousin, the consul Flavius Clemens, and banished the latter's wife, Flavia Domitilla (Domitian's niece), for treason and atheism. The plots aiming at overthrowing Domitian multiplied and in September 96, before his forty-fifth birthday, he was assassinated following a conspiracy involving his own wife Domitilla and one or both praetorian prefects.

   How did Domitian's suspicion and severity affect Christians? In the early 300s, Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History 3, 18.4) reports persecution and martyrs in Domitian's fifteenth year (the year 96). What is the evidence for this?

   1. Cassius Dio (c. 225) says that the atheism for which Clemens and Domitilla were respectively executed and banished was "a charge on which many others who drifted to Jewish ways were condemned." At other times, charges of atheism have been brought against Christians, and some would have considered them members of a Jewish sect. Eusebius' passage refers to the banishment of Flavia Domitilla, a niece of Flavius Clemens, because of her testimony of Christ. The existence of a Christian woman named Domitilla is suggested by the catacomb containing Christian burials that bears her name; but she may have been confused with the Flavia Domitilla, the wife of Clemens, who was attracted to Judaism - an attraction attested to among the wives of the nobility. A similar confusion is seen in the identification of Clement, the prominent presbyter of the Roman church who wrote 1 Clement, with the consul Flavius Clemens, Domitian's victim. The similarity of the names (Domitilla, Clement) raises the possibility that members of Flavius Clemens' household - servants who took their masters' names - were drawn to Christianity, aroused by the patrons' interest in Judaism.

   2. Meliton of Sardis (170-180) wrote a petition to the emperor of his time in which he stated that, of the previous emperors, only Nero and Domitian, "persuaded by certain malignant persons, wished to discredit our doctrine." Since Nero certainly persecuted the Christians, this is perhaps an awkward way to report a persecution by Domitian. Around the year 197, Tertullian (Apologeticum 5, 4) writes that Domitian, who was similar to Nero in terms of cruelty, attempted to do what Nero had done (attack the Christian sect with the imperial sword) but, for human reasons, he quickly stopped what he had started and even restored those he had banished. The modifying conclusion of Tertullian's description seems strange if he were to invent the whole report.

   3. 1 Clement 1:1 (96-120) explains the writer's delay in addressing his letter to Corinth in terms of "sudden and repeated events and experiences that have struck us." Many scholars have translated the two nouns as "misfortunes and calamities" and interpreted them as a reference to the persecution under Domitian, usable to date 1 Clement to around the year 96 when Domitian died. This is an overinterpretation of 1:1. However, the writer's appeal in chap. 5 to noble examples "of our own generation" is focused on the persecution that resulted in the deaths of the highly virtuous pillars Peter and Paul. This passage suggests a date not too far after the 60s when the two apostles died. The statement in 7:1 that part of the reason he writes about these things is that "we are in the same arena, and the same battle is before us" suggests that something comparable to Nero's persecution is being experienced or anticipated.

   4. A connection between Nero and Domitian as figures hostile to Christians is suggested by the most likely interpretation of Rev 13:3, where one of the heads appears to have been mortally wounded (Nero was stabbed to death) but was healed so that blasphemies were renewed and war was waged against the saints. Since the book of Revelation was written in Asia Minor, the hostile image indicates persecution in that region.

   5. Writing in Asia Minor (Pontus-Bithynia) in the year 110, Pliny the Younger (Epistles 10, 96.6) speaks of those who, accused of professing Christ, declared that they had ceased to be Christians for twenty years, thus around the year 90. This date suggests a persecution in the last years of Domitian.

   6. Hegesippus (c. 160-180) is among the ancient authority cited in The Ecclesiastical History 3:19-20 that, following Domitian's orders to put to death the descendants of David, the grandsons of Jude, the brother of Jesus according to the flesh, were questioned but dismissed as inconsequential. Finally, Domitian, by an injunction, stopped the persecution against the Church.

   This evidence does not justify our attributing to Domitian a persecution in Rome of anything like Nero's ferocity. On the other hand, it is likely that Domitian, in his distrust of potentially dangerous deviations, was hostile to pagans who abandoned the state religion for eastern cults advocating the exclusive worship of an aniconic God (Judaism and probably Christianity). During his reign, some "sectarians" were executed, especially when their religious position could be linked to political opposition. Under Nero, anti-Christian activities do not seem to have spread outside Rome; but under Domitian, investigations were more widespread, for example in Asia Minor and Palestine. Whether or not by Domitian's personal order, local authorities may have undertaken their own investigations, especially in areas where Christians had annoyed their pagan neighbors who considered them anti-social and irreligious. The refusal of Christians to participate in public worship and perhaps to honor the deified Domitian, when reported by those hostile to them, would have resulted in courts and condemnations, even martyrdom. The cases may have been very limited, but the memory of what Nero had done to Rome thirty years earlier must have colored the Christian apprehension of what might happen (note that Rev 2:10 and 3:10 speak of persecution "coming"). The exile of the prophet John on Patmos, the killing of Antipas in Pergamum (2:13), local ostracism, disparity of wealth and social discrimination producing alienation would have added up to the overall picture of Roman oppression in Revelation. Finally, later Christian tradition, influenced by large-scale Roman persecution, would have simplified and made both emperors equally guilty of persecution. This analysis of Domitian's reign, which combines the facts of some persecution or harassment of Christians with a reactive Christian exaggeration, seems to explain the evidence better than denying the harassment of Christians under Domitian or assuming a major persecution.

8. Issues and Problems for Reflection
   1. In ancient times, there were problems with the canonicity of Revelation, especially with regard to whether John (the apostle) was considered the author or not. The book was widely accepted in the Western churches. (The rejection by Gaius, who also rejected the Gospel according to John, was not significant.) In Asia Minor, towards the end of the second century, opposition to Montanist beliefs about a new outpouring of the Spirit led the Alogoi (the Alogi or Alogoi were a group of heterodox Christians in Asia Minor who flourished around 200 CE and taught that the Gospel of John and Revelation of John were not the work of the Apostle, but of his adversary Cerinthus) to reject the Apostle (and John). Elsewhere in the East, once Dionysius of Alexandria (c. 250) showed that Revelation was not written by the apostle John, the work was often rejected, especially in reaction to the use of Revelation as a medium for sensual chiliasm. Nevertheless, Revelation was accepted in the fourth century by Athanasius, and the Greek-speaking Church eventually accepted it. However, it continued to be rejected in Syria and by the Syriac-speaking Church. At the time of the Reformation, Luther gave Revelation secondary status; Zwingli denied that it was Scripture; and it is the only book in the NT on which Calvin did not write a commentary. Today, there is no major problem of denial of canonical status. However, the book of Revelation is misused (for example, as an accurate prediction of the future); and the reaction to this overuse sometimes prevents others from seeing its true value. It may therefore be important to offer a strong clarifying statement for discussion - one that will scandalize some Christians, but is acceptable to the majority of Christians (and does not imply any rejection of inspiration or revocation). God did not reveal to human beings the details of the beginning or the end of the world, and if one does not recognize this, one risks misreading the first and last books of the Bible. The author of Revelation did not know how or when the world will end, and no one else does.

   2. How can Revelation be presented in a way that is both factual and meaningful? Perhaps the first step is to insist that the book be read as a whole. This avoids the tendency to pick out a few symbolic references and speculate about them. The second step is to insist that it was addressed to the seven churches and that its details and historical context are 1st century rather than 20th or 21st century. This will help avoid the fanciful decoding of Revelation (and Daniel) in light of today's headlines. However, such factual knowledge alone could lead to a history lesson on Roman political administration at the end of the first century, which is far from a salvific message. To go further, therefore, we must focus on other aspects of Revelation and of apocalyptic in general.

      For a contemporary culture that idolizes science and calculable knowledge, the apocalyptic is an enduring testament to a reality that defies all our measures; it bears witness to another world that eludes all scientific gauges and finds expression in symbols and visions. This world is not created by the imagination, but the images serve as an entrance. Artists, from Pieter Brueghel to Salvador Dali and William Blake, have understood this. On the psychological level, Jung sought to enter this world through symbols. At the religious level, the mystics offered an insight. The well understood liturgy puts ordinary believers in contact with this celestial reality. In a world that accepts only what it can see, hear and feel, Revelation is the final scriptural doorway to what the eye has not seen and the ear has not heard. Because its visions are filled with theological symbols, not photographic reproductions, Revelation does not give an exact knowledge of this other world, a world that cannot be translated into human concepts. On the contrary, it attests forcefully that at every moment of human history, even at the most desperate moment when people lose all hope, God is present. The Lamb who stands as if slain is the ultimate guarantee of God's victorious care and deliverance, especially for the oppressed and oppressors.

   3. The question of the NT attitude toward what we call secular government has often been an issue in the search for guidance on the attitude to be expected of Christians today. (In such a search, it is important to realize that a separation between the secular and the religious is inaccurate for NT times when, for example, emperor worship was a way of instilling a godly respect for the authority of rulers.) In fact, there is no consistent instruction in the NT regarding "secular" governance; what promotes God's cause is what is acceptable. Since most Christian works were written at a time when there was no persecution, respect and prayers for governing authorities were inculcated (Rom 13:1-7; 1 Pet 2:13-17; 1 Tim 2:1-4), in part as a sign that Christian particularities were not a threat to the civil order. According to Lk 20:20-26 and Mt 22:15-22 (cf. 17:24-27), Jesus declined a challenge to refuse to pay taxes to Caesar; and Acts 22:25-29 shows no discomfort in depicting Paul as invoking his Roman citizenship in order to obtain fair treatment from the authorities. In Revelation, however, Rome is a harlot drunk with the blood of the martyrs and a satanic tool. In discussing the reign of Domitian, we saw that there was probably no mass persecution of Christians in the 90s, so some might argue that the seer is exaggerating. However, it could be argued that he was more perceptive than other Christians in seeing what would inevitably happen to Christians, given the claims of the Empire. Note that, despite the horrific image of Rome in Revelation, the readers are not urged to take up arms to revolt, nor are they assigned any participatory role in the eschatological battle. They are to endure persecution and remain faithful.